Original Article
samaneh shafizadeh; seid ahmad fateminejad; Mahdi najafzadeh; Morteza Manshadi
Abstract
In the early 20th century, with the constitutional revolution and the formation of the first Constituent Assembly, Iran legislated the principles of foreign policy. The attributes of foreign policy in the constitutional law are non-revolutionary, rational, based on neutrality and peaceful foreign relations. ...
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In the early 20th century, with the constitutional revolution and the formation of the first Constituent Assembly, Iran legislated the principles of foreign policy. The attributes of foreign policy in the constitutional law are non-revolutionary, rational, based on neutrality and peaceful foreign relations. Despite the policy of Russian and British influence in Iran, followed by the imposition of political and economic contracts in the years leading to the constitutional revolution, the question that is raised is why has the foreign policy output of the constitutional revolution mainly been realistic, non-revolutionary and formed in line with the international system? The hypothesis that we propose to answer this question is that a complex configuration of internal economic, political and social aspects in connection with international factors is the formation of the revolutionary situation and the coalition of mobilization of internal forces and foreign powers on the path of revolution. As a result, it has led to the emergence of a rational, realistic and peaceful foreign policy. The method of this historical-interpretive research is based on George Lawson's theory of historical sociology.
Original Article
Hossein Hassani
Abstract
This paper delves into the intricate interplay between content moderation mechanisms, employed by Meta as a form of self-governance, and the overarching governance structures imposed by nation-states. Content moderation, subsumed under the umbrella term of platform governance, stands as the primary tool ...
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This paper delves into the intricate interplay between content moderation mechanisms, employed by Meta as a form of self-governance, and the overarching governance structures imposed by nation-states. Content moderation, subsumed under the umbrella term of platform governance, stands as the primary tool utilized by global digital corporations to regulate online discourse and citizen behavior within the digital realm. Given the pervasive influence of global digital platforms over the internet, and considering that a significant portion of citizen interactions and communications transpire within these platforms, many governments have been compelled to relinquish a degree of their sovereignty to these entities. In contrast to the inaction of many governments, some have proactively enacted legislation and established frameworks to moderate and align with the governance practices of these large platforms. The European Union has emerged as a frontrunner in this endeavor, striving to safeguard its digital sovereignty through the adoption of various regulations, including those pertaining to data privacy. Additionally, countries like Germany have mandated that these platforms adhere to their national laws within their respective territories, incorporating these regulations as guiding principles for service provision. The findings of this paper underscore the inevitability of platform involvement in governance, highlighting the emergence of a hybrid governance model that integrates corporate governance with national governance. This shared governance approach, while acknowledging the transformative impact of technological and political developments, necessitates that platforms enforce national regulations within a specific territorial jurisdiction. This, in turn, fosters the protection of citizen rights and the restoration of state sovereignty in the face of the platformization of politics.
Original Article
Toraj Afshon
Abstract
Hashd Shaabi is currently considered one of the most important Iraqi forces in the fight against the Salafi-Takfiri terrorist forces of ISIS. Now, the organization and structure of Hashd Shaabi forces is considered as one of the public-legal institutions that has always been the focus of researchers ...
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Hashd Shaabi is currently considered one of the most important Iraqi forces in the fight against the Salafi-Takfiri terrorist forces of ISIS. Now, the organization and structure of Hashd Shaabi forces is considered as one of the public-legal institutions that has always been the focus of researchers over the past few years.In general, in examining the performance and role of the Islamic Republic of Iran, "providing national security by expanding extra-territorial power" is also observed and it can be considered a framework that is used to create the conditions and space in which a nation is able to achieve its goals and objectives. to spread the desired vital values at the national and transnational level, or at least to preserve them against potential and actual internal and external threats. In the framework of such a definition, the movement activities of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in addition to the ideological dimension, should be considered based on "producing power and increasing security" in the framework of forming the cores of popular resistance.
Original Article
Afshin Karami
Abstract
In terms of geopolitics, ecological regions do not correspond much with international borders, and this causes a series of discontinuities between environment and political bordering. Therefore, dealing with ecological destruction requires national cooperation and other geopolitical fields. Many geopolitical ...
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In terms of geopolitics, ecological regions do not correspond much with international borders, and this causes a series of discontinuities between environment and political bordering. Therefore, dealing with ecological destruction requires national cooperation and other geopolitical fields. Many geopolitical boundaries also include natural features as part of their overall organization. The turn towards securing borders, especially in the post-9/11 global era, has created priorities for specific types of border construction and border management practices and it has brought devastating ecological effects in both fields. In most cases, political borders do not have much compatibility with natural ecosystems and usually cause the cutting of natural habitats and create gaps in their integrity and disrupt the natural ecosystem of the region. Until a few decades ago, political demarcation had less effects on the ecosystems because the markings were usually done by border pillars and did not create an obstacle for the people living in the border areas. But especially since two decades ago, due to the rule of security discourse in the border areas and turning the border into a point of confrontation with smuggling, illegal immigrants and undesirable elements, we are witnessing a strong strengthening of the border infrastructure. These infrastructures are generally built in the form of walls and electric and steel fences. As a result, the integrated connection of the ecosystems has become disjointed and split. A large part of the natural environment around these border infrastructures has been disrupted, and this requires a review and finding a solution to deal with this security situation. The argument of this research is that bioregionalism can provide a suitable platform for facing the environmental challenges of the 21st century. Therefore, the current research seeks to find an answer to the question of whether bioregionalism can be the basis for regional cooperation based on environmental issues or not. And what challenges are there in the field of bioregionalism? The findings of the research show that bioregionalism can be achieved by two methods: top-down (government-based) and bottom-up (people-based) and with emphasizing border protected areas. The most important challenge facing bioregionalism is the predominance of realist and neo-realist approaches in international relations.
Original Article
Mohammadreza Bigdeli
Abstract
The British government decided to leave the European Union during a historic referendum known as Brexit after more than four decades. Therefore, the reasons for the departure of one of the most important and influential members of the European Union and the reason for the divergence in the largest and ...
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The British government decided to leave the European Union during a historic referendum known as Brexit after more than four decades. Therefore, the reasons for the departure of one of the most important and influential members of the European Union and the reason for the divergence in the largest and most successful example of regional convergence in history are investigated. International relations are very important. In the same way, the upcoming research to explain this emerging event seeks to answer the question, what factors caused Britain to leave the European Union? The present research, using the descriptive-analytical method and from the perspective of neo-realism, is based on the hypothesis that due to the transnational nature of the political and economic mechanism governing the European Union, Britain, due to the lack of trust resulting from the anarchy prevailing in the international system, in order to maintain its national sovereignty against interdependence and also obtaining maximum benefits in comparison of relative and absolute benefits, it left the European Union.According to the theoretical framework of the system-oriented research, Brexit is rooted in factors that are the result of mistrust resulting from the anarchic system. So that the United Kingdom, in order to maintain its national sovereignty against the interdependence resulting from the political and economic mechanism of the European Union, as well as the comparison of benefits In order to obtain maximum benefits, as a wise actor with a cost-benefit approach, he left the European Union. Based on the results obtained, Britain's exit from the European Union will increase economic growth and greater freedom of action for this country. has brought the international arena.
Original Article
Farhad Ghasemi; Hosain Noroozi; ebrahim hajipoor
Abstract
One of the most prominent challenges in explaining the units power taking in the current turbulent world is the fluidization of the global strategic environment, the rapid rate of changes and increasing complexity in the international system, the change in order structures from simple and classic systems ...
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One of the most prominent challenges in explaining the units power taking in the current turbulent world is the fluidization of the global strategic environment, the rapid rate of changes and increasing complexity in the international system, the change in order structures from simple and classic systems to complex and chaotic systems. In these systems, emerging trends and realities and power campaigns have brought out heterogeneity and imbalance in the geopolitics of power and order structures in a very prominent way and turned the processing and reproduction of power into a systemic and network phenomenon. The basic question of this article is: "What is the geopolitical role of the basic network in the empowerment of actors, including Iran, and how is it explained?". In response to this question, this hypothesis is proposed that: "the empowerment of actors, including the Islamic Republic of Iran, in a causal chain in local, regional and global cycles (integration of levels) and different subject areas (intertwining and integration of sectors) based on Network rules and geopolitic networking are done. In this regard, based on the ontological and epistemological foundations of the theory of complexity and chaos and the theoretical propositions contained in it, a new model in finding the power of units is formed under the title of network-hybrid geopolitics. In this framework, the most prominent finding of the research can be conceptualized by using the abductive method approach in presenting a new model of network power arising from networking and geopolitical networking
Original Article
danyal rezapour; mustafa saburi
Abstract
Although the war in Ukraine is geopolitically considered a European war, in practice it is a conflict of world powers that are centered around the predicted collapse of American global hegemony and clearly want a new order. In such a situation, Russia's attitude, behavior and performance towards Ukraine ...
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Although the war in Ukraine is geopolitically considered a European war, in practice it is a conflict of world powers that are centered around the predicted collapse of American global hegemony and clearly want a new order. In such a situation, Russia's attitude, behavior and performance towards Ukraine can have important consequences for the future of the world order. Therefore, the main goal of the following article is the geopolitical requirements of the new world order for Russia with regard to the war in Ukraine, so the main question arises as follows: what is the logic of the strategy of Russia under the leadership of Vladimir Putin regarding the crisis in Ukraine. does In response to the mentioned question, the article argues by using geopolitical theories that Russia's rationale for interfering in the Ukraine crisis is to seek a share in the future of the world order as a global power, which of course should be noted that Russia has a special role in this crisis. It has shown that these issues are important from different dimensions, and one of the most important aspects of this issue in the short term is related to Moscow's geopolitical interests in the Ukraine crisis, which has not been addressed much in past researches. The findings of the following article show that the war in Ukraine as a geopolitical trigger has influenced the international order and there is a possibility that the post-war Ukraine promises a new order in the world. This research is based on the descriptive-analytical approach using the method of research process and sample research as qualitative research methods, which have been used in collecting information from documentary-library sources and reliable cyberspace websites.
Original Article
Sayed ali monavari; mohsen keshvarian azad
Abstract
The emergence and strengthening of China in the global and regional arena has led to the sensitivity of the United States and its liberal partners by planning security and economic initiatives to contain Beijing. QUAD, AUKUS, Decoupling from China and containment China with the help of partners are among ...
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The emergence and strengthening of China in the global and regional arena has led to the sensitivity of the United States and its liberal partners by planning security and economic initiatives to contain Beijing. QUAD, AUKUS, Decoupling from China and containment China with the help of partners are among these initiatives. In continuation of their plans and initiatives, NATO, as a security-military arm, has also increased its focus on China and has prepared plans and measures that have resulted in the reaction of the Chinese authorities and show the more effective presence of this actor in the Indo-Pacific Ocean. The purpose of this article is to explain NATO's strategy toward China, and in an analytical-explanatory way, it answers the question of how NATO is trying to expand its influence in the Indo-Pacific region to contain China? In response, it is assumed that NATO, by changing the concept of strategy and increasing its focus on China, seeks to strengthen ties with liberal partners and build a consensus among them to contain China in the Indo-Pacific. The results show that NATO documents and NATO members have increased the focus on the Indo-Pacific region, especially China, cooperation formats and practical measures with liberal partners (Japan, South Korea, India, Australia and New Zealand) in It is being implemented.
Original Article
Ahmad Adinehvand; Saeed Vosoughi Vosoughi; shahrooz ebrahimi
Abstract
From the end of the Cold War until today, it has always developed its relations with the two regions of the Persian Gulf and Central Asia. China's influence has changed the equation and has consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is one of the important regional powers. However, the foreign ...
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From the end of the Cold War until today, it has always developed its relations with the two regions of the Persian Gulf and Central Asia. China's influence has changed the equation and has consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is one of the important regional powers. However, the foreign policy of both countries towards each other has not been uniform until today. Therefore, the main goal of this article is to answer this question: Why is the position of the Islamic Republic of Iran affected by China's foreign policy as an emerging superpower in the Persian Gulf and Central Asia, due to the entanglement of interests and also due to the existence of contradictions? The current article, using qualitative method and descriptive-analytical approach, analyzes its case study in the conceptual framework of pragmatism and through library and internet resources. According to the findings of the research, both Iran and China have asymmetric relations with each other, especially in Central Asia and the Persian Gulf, which can be understood through the pragmatism in the foreign policy of these two countries. However, their pragmatic approach is not necessarily the same
Original Article
Shahla Najafi; Mehdi Zibaei; Majid Bozorgmehri; Hakem Ghasemi; GhorbanAli Ghorbanzadeh Savar
Abstract
Foreign policy as a field of study of international relations is usually analyzed from this point of view. However, with the entry of historical sociology into international relations and the multifactoring of events, analytics that considered the state as a general and integrated actor whose behavior ...
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Foreign policy as a field of study of international relations is usually analyzed from this point of view. However, with the entry of historical sociology into international relations and the multifactoring of events, analytics that considered the state as a general and integrated actor whose behavior is determined by systemic elements were doubted, because these theories did not explain the historical and complex trends that states act/react at the system. Historical sociology taking into account the changes and transformations in temporal, the impact/impression of trends on each other and with a comparative approach between states and societies has tried to detect the causes and being of phenomena at the level of the system, in addition, to Search articulation and interact between levels. In this sense, while considering the state as one of the main actors, it affects the analysis of its relations with society. Also, the historical sociology of foreign policy studies the causal narration of events with emphasis on history (analytical history, not traditional and narrative analysis), explaining the phenomena in a chain that has affected each other in the course of history and has impacted. In addition, this approach attention to the “transboundary” encounters that have generated and shaped theorizing. “Transboundary” (which is synonymous with "international"), means the histories that interconnect people across borders, whether those borders represent groups, States, and territories, empires or other entities. These Theories are not forged by individuals living within distinct and discrete "local" environments. Rather, the theory is forged through ongoing encounters between "here" and "there, "home" and "abroad," the "domestic" and the "foreign." Both social and political theories have international origins.
Original Article
پوررمضان pourramezan; Ariabarzan mohammadighalehtaki
Abstract
In today's complex world, the foreign policy of countries is significantly influenced by analyses, consultations, and proposals provided by various institutions. Think tanks, as entities focused on research and analysis of political and social issues, particularly in the Islamic Republic of Iran, investigate ...
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In today's complex world, the foreign policy of countries is significantly influenced by analyses, consultations, and proposals provided by various institutions. Think tanks, as entities focused on research and analysis of political and social issues, particularly in the Islamic Republic of Iran, investigate various subjects including foreign policy. Given these considerations, the main research question can be framed as: What role do think tanks play in shaping foreign policy in the Islamic Republic of Iran?The aim of this research is to evaluate the role and impact of think tanks on the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Considering the rapid developments and complexities of international relations, this study seeks to analyze the challenges and opportunities faced by think tanks and their capacity to influence the formulation of foreign policy decisions in the country. This research aims to test the hypothesis that structural, financial, and political issues may create limitations on the influence of think tanks.It is noteworthy that the research method employed in this paper is qualitative and inductive, moving from observations to reasoning. The tools for data collection include library and documentary studies, as well as structured and semi-structured interviews with academic, think-tank, and political elites.In conclusion, by analyzing the data, it has been found that think tanks in the Islamic Republic of Iran, as advisory and analytical entities, have not significantly impacted the decision-making processes of foreign policy. Challenges such as a lack of financial independence, restrictive regulations, insufficient interaction with governmental bodies, and increasing scientific weaknesses can lead to a reduction inth eir effectiveness
Original Article
Mohammad Hares Moqim; Vahid Sinaee; Sayed Ahmad Fateminejad; Fatima Mahroogh
Abstract
Security Strategy is a set of speeches, approaches, techniques, attitudes, orientations and actions of a country in connection with other regional and extra-regional actors. As an important part of foreign policy, security strategy is formed under the influence of several factors, including ideological ...
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Security Strategy is a set of speeches, approaches, techniques, attitudes, orientations and actions of a country in connection with other regional and extra-regional actors. As an important part of foreign policy, security strategy is formed under the influence of several factors, including ideological competitions, geopolitics, the presence of regional and extra-regional actors and proxy actors. Focusing on Saudi Arabia as one of the main players in the Middle East region, this research seeks to understand the place of proxy wars in Saudi Arabia's security strategy in the Middle East region. It seems that Saudi Arabia is trying to maintain the balance of power and gain regional superiority against Iran by resorting to proxy wars. In order to test this hypothesis, the theoretical framework of aggressive realism and explanatory method was used, and research data was collected from library and documentary sources. The findings of the research show that proxy wars have played a central role in Riyadh's security strategy, and this country has tried to change the balance of power and regional supremacy in its favor with the support of proxy activists such as Ahrar al-Sham, Jabhat al-Nusra and Jaish al-Fatah. Iraq, Syria and Yemen are examples of the application of this approach, in which Riyadh directly and indirectly resorted to proxy wars.
Original Article
Rohollah Eslami; Alireza Ansary Kargar; Atiqullah Rahimi,
Abstract
The transformations and developments occurring in Afghanistan over time have significantly influenced the strategic and security policymaking of the regional states. Due to its proximity to Russia's sphere of influence, the Central Asian state of Afghanistan holds a special geopolitical significance ...
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The transformations and developments occurring in Afghanistan over time have significantly influenced the strategic and security policymaking of the regional states. Due to its proximity to Russia's sphere of influence, the Central Asian state of Afghanistan holds a special geopolitical significance for Moscow. In its 2021 National Security Strategy, Russia adopted a comprehensive perspective on security, indirectly addressing the threats emanating from Afghanistan's territory, following the ascension of the Islamic Emirate to power in 2021. This article addresses the question of how Russia's approach to security and geopolitical engagement with the Islamic Emirate aligns with its 2021 National Security Strategy. The authors hypothesize that Moscow, within the framework of the 2021 National Security Strategy, seeks to establish security and geopolitical engagement with new governing entities in Kabul. To address this question and validate the hypothesis, this study employs content analysis, utilizing library resources and credible news agencies for data collection. Findings indicate that Russia's approach to the Islamic Emirate is structured around two dimensions: security (mechanisms focused on Afghanistan, military and operational exercises, and support for the Islamic Emirate's anti-ISIS policies) and political engagement aimed at countering U.S. unilateralism through mechanisms such as the "Moscow Format" and the Regional Contact Group. Furthermore, Russia seeks to exert influence on regional political meetings, including those held in Doha.
Original Article
Najmiyeh PourEsmaeili
Abstract
Somalia’s strategic location has given it a vital geopolitical position in the region, bridging the sea routes between Africa and West Asia. This position has given Somalia a special significance in the foreign policy of the UAE and Saudi Arabia. An examination of the UAE’s and Saudi Arabia’s ...
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Somalia’s strategic location has given it a vital geopolitical position in the region, bridging the sea routes between Africa and West Asia. This position has given Somalia a special significance in the foreign policy of the UAE and Saudi Arabia. An examination of the UAE’s and Saudi Arabia’s interests in Somalia reveals a complex interplay of geopolitical strategies, economic investments, security concerns, and regional rivalries. This analysis is essential not only to understand the motivations behind the Gulf states’ actions, but also to predict their long-term impact on stability and development in the Horn of Africa. This research seeks to answer the question of why (or for what purpose) Saudi Arabia and the UAE are undertaking a wide range of actions in Somalia in the political, security-military, economic, and cultural spheres. In response to this hypothesis, it is tested that: All the actions of Saudi Arabia and the UAE in the four areas mentioned are ultimately aimed at maintaining the political system in Somalia, which leads to the establishment and promotion of peace and stability in the region and ultimately focuses on sustainable development. In other words, maintaining the political system helps to establish peace and stability in the region, which ultimately acts as a basis for sustainable development, and these three goals create a virtuous cycle that continuously reinforces each other. The method used in this research is a comparative study of the actions and goals of Saudi Arabia and the UAE in relation to Somalia.
Original Article
hossein asghari sani; hassan nami; ebrahim raiygani
Abstract
Nation branding constitutes an integral part of the commercialization of culture and society. Historically, states have endeavored to enhance their global image through symbols, traditions, arts, music, history, cultural heritage, tourism, and festivals—given that a nation’s brand (a distinctive ...
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Nation branding constitutes an integral part of the commercialization of culture and society. Historically, states have endeavored to enhance their global image through symbols, traditions, arts, music, history, cultural heritage, tourism, and festivals—given that a nation’s brand (a distinctive identity coupled with a positive image and reputation) is pivotal to its geopolitical functionality. Currently, international public opinion perceives Iran through a dualistic lens: a negative framing (as a purported threat to global security) juxtaposed with a positive narrative (as the world’s oldest continuous civilization with millennia of heritage). This paper examines the role of archaeology—as both a methodological tool and an academic discipline for reconstructing past human cultures—in rebranding Iran as humanity’s primordial nation-state.The analysis suggests that institutional consensus among governing bodies to allocate strategic resources (legislative frameworks, institutional infrastructure, budgetary prioritization, and specialized human capital development) toward areas of comparative civilizational advantage (historical, cultural, and archaeological capital) has been instrumental in crystallizing Iran’s brand identity as an ancient civilization with an unbroken historical lineage spanning thousands of years.
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