Iranian Research letter of International Politics

Abstract Right now, the Biden government has incentives to improve Iran-US relations and restore the Iran nuclear deal. Biden insists that Tehran return to its JCPOA obligations; Meanwhile, Iranian officials admit that before any action by Tehran, Washington should actually cancel all sanctions. In this way, the main question of the research is, what approach has the Biden government adopted towards the nuclear issue of Iran? The hypothesis of the article is that Biden's policy towards Iran's peaceful nuclear program is the use of intelligent power in the form of negotiation and pressure; In such a way that Washington, while convincing Tehran to return to the JCPOA, in line with exerting pressure on Iran by creating limitations for the country's nuclear program and missile and regional power, as well as extending or launching sanctions. Human rights reform is taking place, which can lead to weakening and regional isolation of Tehran in the Middle East. The research findings show; The Biden government has adopted hard and soft diplomacy regarding Iran's nuclear case; In such a way that while convincing Tehran to return to the JCPOA, Washington has simultaneously tried to threaten Iran's peaceful nuclear program and create limitations in it through the methods of sanctions and global consensus against Iran. . Qualitative analysis method was used for data analysis.

Abstract Since its formation, the Zionist regime has faced numerous economic crises in addition to widespread political crises. Under the influence of such conditions, the Likud Party was able to defeat the Labor Party for the first time in the 1970s with the slogan of structural adjustment and economic liberalization. Under the influence of the actions of the Likud party, the economy of the Zionist regime underwent a series of fundamental changes at the end of the 1970s and especially in the 1980s, which provided the tools for the significant economic growth of this regime in the coming decades. In this regard, what is interesting next to the economic growth of the Zionist regime; It coincides with the change in the foreign policy of this regime. In this regard, this research with a qualitative method and an explanatory approach with the application of the theory of neoliberal institutionalism tries to address the basic question of what effect did the reforms made in the framework of the economic adjustment program in the 1970s and later have on the evolution of the foreign policy of the Zionist regime? In response to this question, this hypothesis is proposed that the adoption of economic adjustment policies leads to the priority of economic goals and interests in the framework of developmentalist foreign policy, strengthening and developing relations with great powers, strengthening regionalism, reducing regional tensions and developing multilateral economic diplomacy in foreign policy in Zionist regime.

Abstract Although the future of the international order and its coordinates can be analyzed from different angles and different levels of analysis, the complexity derived from rapid developments, network relationships, major events and frequent changes in the approaches and policies of major states during the transition period; prevails A situation of deep uncertainty over the future of the order, which makes it impossible to reliably estimate and predict how it will be. In this article, focusing on the war in Ukraine as a key event in the future state of the international order, the question is addressed, what are the future scenarios of the war in Ukraine and its implications for the international order? To answer this question, an attempt has been made to the foresight approach and the key uncertainty method, which are the approaches corresponding to the methodology of complexity in the philosophy of science. The findings confirm that out of the total of 5 main driving forces shaping the future of the war in Ukraine, two driving forces include: a) the level of NATO's risk tolerance for the continuation or extension of the war, and b) the level of cohesion, resilience and the possibility of Russian trade exchanges to continue the war; It has higher uncertainty and importance, and according to the different states of uncertainty, a total of four scenarios including: "nuclear war", "strategic stalemate", "restrained Russia ", and "victory Russia" as scenarios with The probability of occurrence is high in the next two years.

Abstract Zangzor Corridor as a key and strategic space that allows Azerbaijan access to the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic according to clause 9of the tripartite agreement in Moscow, and due to this access, it is possible to connect the Turkic territories.The present article is descriptive-analytical in nature, focusing on the security theory of the Copenhagen school, and seeks to identify and analyze the political effects of the Zangzor Corridor on the geopolitical weight of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The findings of the article show that the Zangzor Corridor due to the change of international borders,the reduction of the dependence of the Republic of Azerbaijan on Iran, the increase of identity confrontations, the diminution of Iran in the east-west axis, the gaining of power of Iran's geopolitical rival in the region, the military alliances of Azerbaijan weaken the geopolitical position of Iran in The Caucasus region and issues such as Turkey's spatial connectivity with the Republic of Azerbaijan, the Caspian Sea and Central Asian countries, the increase in relations between Turkic-speaking countries and the loss of Iran's right of transit, including the reasons for the expansion of Turkey's geopolitical sphere of influence in the Caucasus and the expansion of NATO's sphere of influence to the east, can be The geopolitical weight of the Islamic Republic of Iran has a negative role.

Abstract Considering the fact that some researchers call the 21st century the century of Asia, especially East Asia, it indicates that the political geography of this century is in the struggle for power of various regional and international actors. Also, the position of power is changing more or less from the West to the East of the world or from Europe to Asia.China is a newly emerging country in the East Asian region, which has occupied the second place in the world due to its capacities in the last two to three decades, especially in the economic dimension. And it can be said that East Asia is one of the most important economic pillars in the international system today.This situation has sensitized other powers, including the United States of America, and forced them to balance forces with this newly emerging power.The American military-industrial complex secures its interests by being present in different regions of the world, especially by supporting countries in conflict with China.The research question is how China's defense security is provided against the performance of the military-industrial complexes of the United States of America?The collection of data in the library method and the research findings in the descriptive-analytical method show that since 2000, with the growing military power and with the strategy of rejuvenating the great Chinese nation, improving the all-round national power of the government, accelerating the modernization and strengthening of the People's Liberation Army and the strategy of developing military-civilian fusion, China has been able to develop its security personnel in the spectrum A complete set of land, air, sea as well as nuclear, space, electronic warfare and cyber space operations against the effects of the military-industrial complex.

Abstract U.S. unilateral sanctions against Iran conflict with the fundamental principles of international law and the provisions of the UN Charter, lacking legal legitimacy. Under the collective security system, the determination of threats to peace and the imposition of coercive measures fall within the exclusive authority of the Security Council, and any unilateral action outside this framework violates state sovereignty and equality. Sanctions, particularly when extraterritorial, infringe upon fundamental human rights, including the rights to life, health, and an adequate standard of living, while also limiting the right to development. By weakening domestic stability, exacerbating humanitarian crises, and destabilizing the region, such measures constitute a threat to international peace and security. Peace achieved through human rights violations is fragile and unsustainable. In sum, U.S. unilateral sanctions against Iran violate human rights and undermine the collective security system of the UN, posing a serious threat to the rule of law and lasting peace.

Abstract The constructivism paradigm places the construction of identity at its core. The definition of "friend" and "enemy" and the formation of national interests are possible based on this definition in the field of foreign policy. This article draws upon the teachings of Alexander Wendt in order to adopt an approach to constructivism. It employs an exploratory methodology, eschewing the formulation of hypotheses, with the aim of elucidating the manner in which the concept of national interests has been constructed in the minds of Iranian statesmen over the past century. The findings of this research, based on an analysis of the discourse content of a number of the most important academic works about Iran's contemporary foreign policy, demonstrate that the West is a significant factor in redefining Iran's national interests and foreign policy strategies. The question of how Iran has confronted the West in its foreign relations is a significant one. This has resulted in the development and formation of two macro-images in the collective memory of Iranian leaders regarding the West, namely, the West as "another friend" and the West as "an enemy other". This classification has led to the formation of different strategies in the history of contemporary Iran's foreign relations. The concepts of "positive nationalism" and "national independent policy" represent the identity paradigm of Iran's national interests based on friendship with the west. In contrast, the strategies of "negative balance" and "neither east nor west" exemplify the identity paradigm of Iran's national interests based on enmity with the west.

Abstract The media plays an important role in contemporary conflicts, as visual warfare occurs alongside military confrontation. The ISIS terrorist group has demonstrated a clear example of using images as part of its war strategy by using various platforms to convey its narrative to others. This study evaluates the impact of the image of the ISIS Takfiri Front on its growth and expansion in Iraq, Syria, and the West Asian region. Therefore, the main question of the present article is what has been the advantage of ISIS psychological tactics in the light of multifaceted critical discourse analysis? The results of the descriptive-analytical study show that ISIS, through its media strategy through psychological tactics, has the ability to strategically create and maintain its image as a powerful organization in the form of projecting power, violence, and Islamic religious messages, thereby facilitating the growth and expansion of its ideology in Iraq, Syria, and other countries.

Abstract In today's globalized world, cultural and economic relations have become increasingly interconnected, and cultural multilateralism, as a key approach in international interactions, can play an important role in facilitating and expanding economic exchanges. Multilateralism is one of the new topics that can have a significant impact on Iran-Turkey relations. Therefore, considering the historical relations and extensive cultural connections between these two countries, cultural multilateralism can be important as an effective tool for strengthening economic cooperation. Therefore, considering the increasing importance of cultural exchange in strengthening and developing economic relations and the importance of the role of cultural diplomacy and cultural joint cooperation as an effective tool in consolidating economic relations and developing trade cooperation at the bilateral and regional levels, this study examines the effects of cultural multilateralism on the development of economic exchanges between the two countries of Iran and Turkey. The main question is, what effect does cultural multilateralism have on the development of economic exchanges between Iran and Türkiye? The hypothesis of this research is based on the concept that cultural exchanges play an important role in facilitating economic relations and lead to the reduction of communication barriers and increased cooperation between Iran and Turkey. This research uses an analytical method and inference of findings to analyze the effects of cultural interactions between Iran and Turkey on the economic development of the two countries. The results of the research show that strengthening cultural relations through cultural events, education and artistic cooperation can lead to strengthening mutual trust, reducing trade barriers and increasing investment opportunities.

Abstract This article examines the Arab League’s approach to the Syrian crisis and its regional consequences in the period 2020-2024. Focusing on the Arab League’s shift from confrontation to re-engagement with the government of Bashar al-Assad, this study analyzes the factors affecting this shift and its regional consequences. The main research question is what factors caused the Arab League’s shift in approach to engagement with the Syrian government in the period 2020-2024, and what consequences did this shift have for the region? The results show that factors such as the subsiding of the civil war, the disappointment of key Arab League countries over the victory of the Syrian government opposition and the stabilization of the Assad government, security concerns arising from terrorist groups, and the continuation of the Syrian refugee crisis in Arab countries neighboring Syria have changed the attitude of Arab League member countries towards re-engagement with the Syrian government in the period 2020-2024. Among the important consequences of this change in approach are, to some extent, the reduction of security threats, the management of Syrian refugees, and the control of arms, drug, and terrorist smuggling from Syria to other parts of the Arab world. This research used a descriptive-analytical method and the data collection method was library and online..

Abstract In the last two decades, parallel to the globalization of communication, the influence of the media in increasing the soft power of countries has increased. China and India are among the countries that have taken effective steps towards paying attention to their soft power by revising their foreign policy since the 1990s. These two countries have tried to use social networks and media in increasing soft power. Considering the importance of investigating the influence of the media on the soft power of China and India, the main question of the research is, what effect did the media have on the increase of the soft power of China and India in the international system? The findings of this research, relying on the comparative study method and using the conceptual framework of soft power under the components of inducing a positive international image, public diplomacy, and economic and cultural capabilities, show that China has highly controlled and heavily censored media; However, media such as Xinhua have been much more effective and successful in showing economic and cultural capabilities as well as public diplomacy focusing on China's mediation role in the region and China's Belt and Road Initiative. On the other hand, in India, the domestic media has less global influence and impact. Still, it has a more diverse media landscape with a mix of public and private media, which is in the index of inducing a positive international image of India and Indian public diplomacy with a focus on gaining trust and credibility. India's international and cultural capabilities have been more influential than China's.

Abstract The complexity of the international system has fundamentally changed the strategic principles of foreign policy of actors. One of the principles of complex systems is the degrees of freedom of system elements. This principle has led to the emergence of the challenge between stability and change as one of the fundamental paradoxes of the system and international realities. Stability draws actors towards strategies based on control, and change draws actors towards strategies based on self-organization. Classical management, focusing on controlling problems, tried to eliminate, change or correct the cause of phenomena and control problems and maintain the sustainability of the system. Therefore, in classical systems, strategies were drawn with degrees of control over phenomena. The complexity of the international system has made it very difficult and impossible to control phenomena due to the lack of recognition of the cause of phenomena, the nonlinearity of problems, the impossibility of separating problems, the interference of systemic processes and the emergence of phenomena from seemingly unrelated problems. The question is: What is the strategic requirement of actors in order to achieve goals and interests and maintain stability and durability in the conditions of emerging realities in the complex international system? In response to the research question, the hypothesis is proposed that complex management, focusing on self-organization, imposes the principle of strategic flexibility on the strategies of actors in the complex international system. The findings of the research with a descriptive-analytical approach and qualitative research method indicate that strategic flexibility plays a vital role in the continuous development, recombination and adaptive use of existing resources. This allows the system to scan the environment and respond to changes and threats in a timely manner by identifying opportunities and strategic innovation.

Abstract Contrary to official approaches that emphasize the "two-state solution," analyses indicate that Israel has imposed an apartheid structure on the Palestinians through a series of gradual and seemingly legal measures; Accordingly, the aim of the present study is to analyze Israeli policies in the framework of the "creeping apartheid" theory, and the question is raised as to how "creeping apartheid" has in practice become a strategy for changing the demographic context and creating a structural dependence of the Palestinians on Israel in the period 1996-2023?? The research hypothesis is that Israel, through spatial domination and the imposition of a discriminatory situation, has made living conditions impossible for the Palestinians and has led to the exodus of the population. The research method is trend analysis, and the trend of demographic, economic, and spatial variables has been examined in the period from 1996 to 2023. The findings indicate that Israeli policies have led to a sharp decline in the rural population, limited agricultural land, unilateral dependence of the Palestinian economy on Israel, a significant increase in the unemployment rate, and a growth in immigration and refugee populations. These trends indicate that Israel, through land control, economic dependency, and the imposition of inadequate living conditions, has paved the way for the forced displacement of Palestinians and changed the demographic composition of the occupied territories. Also, creeping apartheid is not a momentary situation, but a gradual, institutionalized, and legalized process that, by denying the Palestinians the right to self-determination and continuing Israel’s structural domination, has made the future of an independent Palestinian state increasingly challenging.

Abstract Radical Jihadist Salafism, as an "ideology of violence and terror," gains mass appeal under specific sociological conditions. Combined with the Middle East's unique geopolitical dynamics, it enables non-state terrorist groups to engage in collective action, thereby altering the region’s geopolitical landscape. Iran, due to its religious diversity, vulnerable geography (with Sunni populations residing in border areas), and its cultural position as the leading force of Shi’a geocultural influence in the Middle East—constantly confronting the surrounding Sunni geocultural forces—is particularly susceptible to this phenomenon. The key question explored in this study is: What threats does radical Salafism pose to Iran’s national security, and through what mechanisms? The research hypothesizes that this ideology negatively impacts Iran’s national security by mobilizing and radicalizing Sunni communities, destabilizing Iran’s border regions, and fostering an anti-Iranian geocultural force. This study aims to provide a practical analysis of the threats posed by radical Salafism to Iran’s national security and explore effective countermeasures in both domestic and foreign policy. The proposed solutions will address conceptual and operational dimensions by emphasizing the interconnectedness of theory and practice. The research employs a dual-layered descriptive-analytical approach, drawing on library resources and document analysis. It first examines the relationship between the religious-political tenets of Salafist ideology and its promotion of violence and terrorism, alongside the sociological and psychological factors contributing to its mass appeal. Subsequently, it analyzes the geocultural and geopolitical dynamics that shape its impact on Iran’s national security. In summary, this study systematically and methodically accounts for the ideological appeal and geocultural influence of radical Jihadist Salafism.

Abstract Introduction and Objectives: After a ten-year period of passivity in the regional equations of the Middle East, Russia entered regional issues since 2000 and with Putin coming to power, and the beginning of the Arab Spring in 2010, it gradually entered this crisis in the process of the civil war in Syria, and at the same time, it began broader regional interactions with the countries of the region, especially Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia and Israel. Therefore, if the Syrian crisis since 2012 has provided the basis for the formation of a new Middle East policy for Russia, it seems that the fall of the Syrian government in 2024 will be an important turning point in the fundamental transformation in this policy. Accordingly, the main objective of this article is to examine this important transformation and its consequences and answer the question of how to analyze Russian policy in the new period?
Methods: To discuss about the main idea of this article, we will try to use the qualitative analysis method of the hypothesis variables and their important indicators and show how they are related. Therefore, by studying the process of developments in Russian foreign policy from the beginning of the war in Ukraine in February 2022 to the fall of Damascus, the state of change in the country's priorities in other regions of the world and especially the Middle East, taking into account field realities, the National Security Strategy document in 2022, the Russian Foreign Policy Concept document in 2023, official statements of government organizations, statements by senior government officials, as well as field developments, we will qualitatively analyze them and their impact on the country's Middle East policy. Therefore, first, we will discuss the most important features of Russia's Middle East policy in the years 2010 to 2021. Then, we will examine the 2022 Ukrainian war and its impact on Russian foreign policy. Finally, we will conclude the discussions by analyzing Russia's Middle East policy in the period after the fall of the Syrian government from 2024.
Results and discussion: The findings of this article show that Russia has transformed from an important military and political actor into a purely economic actor and this situation will continue for the coming years. Therefore, the process of expanding economic relations that began since the Ukrainian war has increased again and this issue will be the main theme of regional cooperation and interactions of this country. This change was mainly raised since the beginning of the Ukrainian war and this war became such a priority for the Russian government that it overshadowed other regions and issues. In addition to indicating the internal issues, problems and limitations in Russia for pursuing two international crises at the same time, this issue also shows that Russia's regional policy has also focused more than ever on the immediate external environment, especially what is called the Russian world. From a trans-regional and global perspective, Russia will naturally not be able to engage in more conflicts, and therefore we will witness developments not only in Russia's regional policy in the Middle East but also in the global environment.
Conclusion: Despite these serious moves, Russia’s Middle East policy has been largely reactive and lacking in strategic depth. In fact, Russia’s strategic issues over the four decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union have remained largely domestic, Eurasian, and related to threats and engagement with the West. Therefore, acting in the Middle East and other regions has remained on the fringes of Russia’s main strategic issue. In the Middle East, the Kremlin’s focus has been on Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Israel, and this situation seems likely to continue. With the fall of the Assad regime in Syria, Russia’s problems have intensified and the limited possibilities for possible military and security acting have been removed from the orbit for years. With Trump’s coming to power, there is a possibility of Russia reaching an agreement with the United States and initiating peace talks with Ukraine, and it seems that if Russia can withdraw from the Ukrainian war, it will not be involved in sensitive international issues outside the immediate Eurasian environment for a long time. Therefore, it does not seem that Russia will be involved in Middle East security games for at least ten years, and Russia’s economic relations with the countries of the region will continue. If relations between Iran and the West deteriorate over the nuclear issue and a possible war with Israel or the United States breaks out, it is unlikely that Russia will play any role other than issuing a statement condemning the aggressor and calling for diplomatic channels.
Keywords: Russia, Middle East, Syria, regional balance, security strategy, economic relations