Document Type: Original Article

Similarities between Marxism-Leninism with the Thought and Behavior of ISIS

Volume 10, Issue 1, December 2021, Pages 1-28

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2021.70711.1084

nozhan Etezad Saltaneh, bahram Navazeni

Abstract The aim of the present article is to clarify the roots of the anti-Western view in radical Islamism and to compare it with the alternative political ideology of the West in its totalitarian form (Marxism-Leninism). Comparison based on the reconstruction of the political theory of "Sayyid Qutb" is the most important theorist of radical Islamism in the contemporary era and "Vladimir Lenin" is the theorist of Marxism-Leninism. Despite all the differences, similar basic structures can be seen in these two theories and thinking: Human history is seen as a battle of life and death between good and evil, which in both theories of evil threatens human existence. he does. Among them are people who have a good character and have a mission or mission to save humanity from evil and ultimately realize the utopia of a classless society. Fighting and conflict in this process is natural and should be organized in order to purify society. He tried to follow the followers of the true belief. The conclusion of this article is that radical Islamism is not a pre-modern ideology, but rather it can be considered as an ideology that incites and encourages its followers by criticizing the liberal society, stating that these societies fulfill their main promise. That is freedom is failed. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical based on documentary-library sources.

The Strategic Essentials of Iran's Foreign Policy in the Formation of a Resistive Economy

Volume 10, Issue 2, March 2022, Pages 1-32

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2021.71385.1113

Hossein pourahmadi, rahman habibi

Abstract Resistive economy pattern to be executed requires the presence of all institutions, ministries, and organizations of the country so that they can make possible the implementation of this pattern by complementary planning. The present research, with the aim of providing appropriate requirements for foreign policy to strengthen the national economy, seeks to answer the main question, what are the foreign policy requirements of Iran in realizing the pattern of the resistive economy? This research tries to use the descriptive-analytical method and using the model of "Political Economy of Foreign Policy Based on the Realization of the Resistive Economy Pattern" to explain strategic plans and requirements of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran for achieving resistive economics. The method of collecting information is also libraries and documents. The findings of the research show that Iran's foreign policy by activating the coordination role (coordinating other institutions and ministries), opportunity building (the de-securitization of the country, constructive interaction with the countries of the region and the world), and pave the way in both domestic and foreign areas (facilitating trade, facilitating banking exchanges the use of Currency Swap and Block-Chain payment system), can take a step in 

Military Diplomacy and Foreign Policy of China

Volume 11, Issue 1, September 2022, Pages 1-25

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2022.69383.1047

Hadith Asemani

Abstract China, as an economic power, pursues major strategic plans such as diversification of exports, the high-tech manufacturing, and developing trade routes around the world. Also, China recently has heavily invested in security and military strength to deal with terrorism, separatist movements, territorial disputes with East Asian neighbors, as well as securing trade routes and international corridors, especially those identified in the massive One Belt-One Road initiative. However, China seeks different kinds of international cooperation through milirary diplomacy to avoid a possible security dilemma. This research investigates the impact of China's military diplomacy on its foreign policy? This article seeks to examine China's military diplomacy and its role in the country's foreign policy. Findings show that military diplomacy will increase the country's ability to pursue national interest, develop its security environment, create a positive image, and expand operational geography.

Chinese Health Diplomacy and Increasing Dynamism of China’s Economy during the Coronavirus Pandemic

Volume 12, Issue 1, November 2023, Pages 1-30

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2023.74561.1218

Ali Bagheri Dolatabadi

Abstract Health diplomacy is one of the aspects of modern diplomacy that has become popular in many countries of the world after the coronavirus pandemic. The purpose of this article is to examine the role of health diplomacy in maintaining and continuing China's economic growth as the coronavirus spreads in the country and the world. The main question is how did health diplomacy help China maintain its economic growth while other countries struggled with a recession? The main hypothesis of the research is that the functions of health diplomacy, such as increasing relations with other states, restoring international prestige, creating opportunities for economic benefits through export development, etc., helped China to maintain its economy dynamic. A qualitative method with an analytical-explanatory approach was applied for research and a library method was used for data collection. The findings show that China has achieved the following goals in the light of health diplomacy: it has gained new markets in developing countries; it has created international prestige for this country. It has portrayed a responsible and benevolent role from Beijing. As a result of these policies, the desire to buy health goods made in China increased in 2020, and China exports increased.
 

Logical Frameworks and Requirements of Global Convergence in Counter-Terrorism Policy

Volume 12, Issue 2, June 2024, Pages 1-24

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2022.77449.1295

Yaser Esmailzadeh

Abstract Today, the world is involved in complex issues and many dangers. The existence of increasing competition, diverse and conflicting cultures, power struggles and economic inequalities indicates that different actors have different goals and objectives. In fact, one of the main reasons for the growth and increasing activity of different terrorist groups can be seen as the lack of global coherence and convergence in counter-terrorism policies. This article seeks to explore the fundamental question of what is the rationale for global convergence in the fight against terrorism? This article believes that there is a strategic logic for convergence and international cooperation in the fight against terrorism, which can be seen from the approach of theories such as ancient Chinese wisdom, game theory and also in the theory of moving target and pursuing global counter-terrorism goals. Emphasizing the various strategic advantages of global convergence in the fight against terrorism, this paper seeks to conclude that countries need to reach a point of strategic understanding where mutual cooperation is a priority for mutual benefit. In other words, if there is no global convergence and cooperation to deal with terrorism, terrorism in the world will find an opportunity to attack more and create more dangers. Finally, the main solutions through which international security algorithms can improve the efficiency of advanced algorithms will be proposed.

India’s Policy Towards the Belt and Road Initiative

Volume 11, Issue 2, March 2023, Pages 5-31

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2022.72685.1157

Reza Ekhtiari Amiri, Javad Shafaghat

Abstract During the previous years the geo-politic of South Asia has been a scene for competition of New-Delhi and Beijing thanks to the latter’s the Belt and Road Initiative. India views the initiative a threat for its national interests; on the one hand it could challenge India’s plan for becoming regional hegemony and on the other hand the initiative could weaken India’s position in the international system. For these reasons, New-Delhi has adopted some policies in which prevent China to become a regional hegemony through the Belt and Road Initiative and meanwhile improve its own position regionally and internationally. Accordingly, the main question of the research is what are India’s policies in order to confront threats of China’s belt and Road initiative? The hypothesis is that in order to confront the Belt and Road Initiative and China increasingly power in the framework of this initiative, India has adopted some policies and strategies in foreign policy arena such as creating competing commercial corridors, development of maritime transport infrastructures, strengthen economic convergence with regional countries, increase naval power and influence, strengthen regional multilateralism with the aim of expanding technical and trade cooperation also trans-regional coalition, with the aim of balance of power. The research method is qualitative based on analytical- explanatory approach. The qualitative data was collected from library and internet resources. Also theory of balance of power was utilized in order to analyze the subject matter.

Biden Administration's Diplomacy on the Islamic Republic of Iran's Nuclear Issue

Volume 14, Issue 1, March 2026, Pages 6-32

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2026.86776.1499

hamid dorj

Abstract Right now, the Biden government has incentives to improve Iran-US relations and restore the Iran nuclear deal. Biden insists that Tehran return to its JCPOA obligations; Meanwhile, Iranian officials admit that before any action by Tehran, Washington should actually cancel all sanctions. In this way, the main question of the research is, what approach has the Biden government adopted towards the nuclear issue of Iran? The hypothesis of the article is that Biden's policy towards Iran's peaceful nuclear program is the use of intelligent power in the form of negotiation and pressure; In such a way that Washington, while convincing Tehran to return to the JCPOA, in line with exerting pressure on Iran by creating limitations for the country's nuclear program and missile and regional power, as well as extending or launching sanctions. Human rights reform is taking place, which can lead to weakening and regional isolation of Tehran in the Middle East. The research findings show; The Biden government has adopted hard and soft diplomacy regarding Iran's nuclear case; In such a way that while convincing Tehran to return to the JCPOA, Washington has simultaneously tried to threaten Iran's peaceful nuclear program and create limitations in it through the methods of sanctions and global consensus against Iran. . Qualitative analysis method was used for data analysis.

Investigating the regional environment of the Caspian Sea; understanding patterns of conflict and security cooperation

Volume 12, Issue 2, June 2024, Pages 25-50

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2024.82195.1380

Keyvan Afsharian, reza simbar, Mehdi Hedayati Shahidani

Abstract Introduction
The Caspian Sea region due to the presence of huge energy reserves and being located at the point of connection between the two continents of Asia and Europe; It becomes more important day by day. The interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is one of the important members of this new region, are highly dependent on the pattern governing the region and its security issues.

Methodology
By using the literature of modern regionalism and the framework of regional security complexes and a two-step exploratory hybrid research method, the indicators of this theory are first evaluated in the studied region and then using the concept of dependence. Security interdependence, in two dimensions of security conflict (negative aspect of security interdependence) and security cooperation (positive aspect of security interdependence), issues for developing research tools (questionnaire) are counted. Then, in the quantitative stage of the research, the questionnaires are evaluated by a statistical sample of 49 experts in this field.

Conclusion
Any military cooperation of regional countries with extra-regional powers can lead the region to a security conflict. it is necessary to pay attention to the fact that the pursuit of these issues by the newly independent countries is usually the result of the implementation of extensive exercises and the creation of new bases by the Russian Federation in the Caspian Sea region. Therefore, it can be said that if this increasing trend continues in the coming years, the movement of the Caspian Sea region towards controversial patterns is inevitable.

Chinese Economic Diplomacy in Central Asia: Opportunities and Challenges

Volume 11, Issue 1, September 2022, Pages 27-58

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2022.68959.1033

fariborz arghavani pirsalami, hossein alipour

Abstract China’s economic diplomacy has significantly contributed to its recent economic growth. The country manages the opportunieis and challenges made by Nationalism and Globalization by economic diplomacy. China considerably works on regional cooperation in Central Asia. Taking a descriptive-analytical method and based on economic data, the current research investigates opportunities and challenges that China's economic diplomacy must deal with in Central Asia. The findings show that China's economic diplomacy in Central Asia enjoys economic opportunities such as regional energy capacities, consumer markets, foreign demand for Chinese investment. In addition, China plays a key role in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. On the other hand, the country encounters political challenges such as the presence of rival powers in Central Asia, chinophobia in the region and the fragile governments in its neighborhood.
 
 

Russia-US hybrid warfare and EU-Russia Security Relations (2008-2019)

Volume 10, Issue 1, December 2021, Pages 29-58

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2021.68729.1027

Mahdi Baghimojarad, Saeed Vosoughi, Shahrouz Ebrahimi

Abstract  
Abstract
The United States has played a complex and ambiguous role in European Union -Russia security relations since the end of the Cold War, especially under Obama and Trump. The United States is implicitly interfering in European Union -Russia security relations. Tensions and cooperation between the United States and Russia have had a significant impact on the European Union -Russia Security Challenges. The main question of the forthcoming research is how and by what mechanism has the United States influenced the European Union -Russia Security Challenges in the last two decades? The answer is that the United States is engaged in a Hybrid wafare with Russia, and has used the tools of Hybrid wafarefare to perpetuate and deepen the European Union -Russia Security Challenges (Ukraine crisis, EU enlargement and NATO enlargement). The method of the present study is documentary and data has been collected from related articles and books and has examined and analyzed the role of the United States in the European Union -Russia Security Challenges using the Theoretical framework of hybrid warfare Cullen & Kjennerud. The findings of the study suggest that the United States is continuing to contain Russia, using the tools of Hybrid wafarefare (intelligence, economic, political, military, and civilian) in the European Union -Russia Security Challenges (Ukraine crisis, EU enlargement, and NATO expansion) and the deepening of these challenges has had an impact. The most important US tools in the Hybrid wafare with Russia are intelligence, political and economic tools.

Japan in the dual dilemma of cooperation and conflict in the face of China's regional challenge (2000-2021)

Volume 12, Issue 1, November 2023, Pages 31-59

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2023.73770.1193

hossein Pour Ahmadi Meybodi, nemat allah pahlevani

Abstract  
With the beginning of the new century, East Asia witnessed a redistribution of power and wealth by the structure of the international system; which changed the balance of power to the advantage of China and to the detriment of the region's traditional power, Japan. Accordingly, this study intends to survey the Japanese government's efforts to preserve its regional political and economic position, with the help of descriptive-analytical approach and qualitative method, and with emphasis on the new realism theory. The results of this study shows that Japan, as a declining regional power and with a rational standpoint, by calculating the costs and benefits of the available options, pursues a set of measures to further its national interests, achieving welfare and security goals. Thus, a review of the simultaneous economic, political, and security plans and actions proposed by Japan in response to China's expansionist plans can show the utilitarian foreign policy of the world's superpowers in the face of the threats of emerging powers.
 
 
 

Consideration of the dispute between Iran and Saudi Arabia relations (2013-2018)

Volume 11, Issue 2, March 2023, Pages 32-53

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2022.75496.1247

rohollah eslami, Farideh Amani

Abstract Iran and Saudi Arabia are among the most influential and important countries in the Middle East and in the larger geographical and ideological sphere of the Islamic world, which, following the victory of the Islamic Revolution, developed hostile and confrontational relations with each other. Different approaches of the two countries in regional and global issues, the efforts of the two countries to become the first power in the region, the two countries becoming a symbol of Shiite and Sunni religious poles, the positions of the two sides on regional crises It led to a less than positive relationship between the two countries and in some cases led to tensions and conflicts. In this regard, the authors seek to answer the fundamental question of why, despite the religious homogeneity and regional interests of Iran and Saudi Arabia, they continue to insist on their enmity? In response to the research question, based on the theoretical framework of ontological security, it is hypothesized that the commitment of Iran and Saudi Arabia to their enmity with each other has become commonplace, which provides their interests in a more favorable way for them. Both countries do not want to disrupt this normal process by changing their view of the other, so their conflict has an identity (structural) and ontological dimension. The research method in this research is interpretive and the method of data collection is library and articles, sites, etc.

Information Technology and Transformation in Structure and Function of United Nations

Volume 10, Issue 2, March 2022, Pages 33-55

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2021.21262.0

Rohallah Pirbalaei, Nasser Khorshidi

Abstract The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of information and communication technology on the United Nations in three areas: nature, structure and function. The main question is: what impact  has information technology had on these three levels in the United Nations?  At the level of nature, there has not been a significant change, but fundamental concepts the goals and principles of this organization, such as sovereignty and security, have been transformed in terms of scope. the structure of the United Nations has reacted to the digital age by holding the World Summit on the Information Society and the creation of some subsidiary bodies in within some of the main organs such as the Human Rights Council. the most effective work has been done in the organization; so that by placing new subject areas such as "rooting out poverty and shared responsibility", Develompent and Human Security on the agenda of the United Nations, it has changed the previous state-oriented approaches and  even in some cases,it has changed the way of decision making. the research method is descriptive- analytic, and for gathering the its required data has used from library resources and reputable Internet sites.

The impact of economic adjustment programs on the foreign policy of the Zionist regime (1970-2010)

Volume 14, Issue 1, March 2026, Pages 33-55

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2026.86963.1502

Ashkan Golafshan, alireza koohkan

Abstract Since its formation, the Zionist regime has faced numerous economic crises in addition to widespread political crises. Under the influence of such conditions, the Likud Party was able to defeat the Labor Party for the first time in the 1970s with the slogan of structural adjustment and economic liberalization. Under the influence of the actions of the Likud party, the economy of the Zionist regime underwent a series of fundamental changes at the end of the 1970s and especially in the 1980s, which provided the tools for the significant economic growth of this regime in the coming decades. In this regard, what is interesting next to the economic growth of the Zionist regime; It coincides with the change in the foreign policy of this regime. In this regard, this research with a qualitative method and an explanatory approach with the application of the theory of neoliberal institutionalism tries to address the basic question of what effect did the reforms made in the framework of the economic adjustment program in the 1970s and later have on the evolution of the foreign policy of the Zionist regime? In response to this question, this hypothesis is proposed that the adoption of economic adjustment policies leads to the priority of economic goals and interests in the framework of developmentalist foreign policy, strengthening and developing relations with great powers, strengthening regionalism, reducing regional tensions and developing multilateral economic diplomacy in foreign policy in Zionist regime.

The Psychology of Jimmy Carter in US Foreign Policy toward Iran

Volume 9, Issue 2, September 2021, Pages 38-63

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2021.21506.0

Hossein Pourahmadi, Mohammad Soltanpour

Abstract The psychological study of political leaders is popular with foreign policy analysts. This study studies Carter’s psychology to explain his foreign policy decisions before and after the Iranian Islamic Revolution. The theoretical framework used in the article is emotional, rational behavioral therapy developed by the American psychologist Albert Ellis. This article analyses Carter's personality by examining the influential events of Carter's life and how he interprets them. This method has a historical approach for analyzing one's life that means a cycle of external events transforms into results with continuous interpretations. Continuously based on this model, Carter's five prominent personality traits have been extracted.The research results show that Carter’s dealing with the Iran revolution and the Iran hostage crisis was based on his psychological characteristics such as perfectionism and 

Explaining the foreign policy of the United States regarding the 2022 war in Ukraine from the point of view of neoclassical realism

Volume 12, Issue 2, June 2024, Pages 51-73

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2024.82547.1393

farideh Amani, niakoee niakoee

Abstract After a long period of diplomatic tension between Russia and Ukraine, these two countries entered into a direct military conflict at the end of February 2022. This conflict has changed a wide field of international politics to a large extent. America is seeking to expand the borders of NATO towards the western borders of Russia in order to tighten the encirclement ring of this country, this issue has caused great tension in Eastern Europe. The purpose of this article is to investigate the influential variables in the adoption of policies of the Biden government towards the 2022 war between Russia and Ukraine. Therefore, it seeks to find the answer to the question of what factors influenced the American foreign policy in response to Russia's attack on Ukraine and how can it be explained? The findings of the research show that the behavior of the American foreign policy is a mixture of which the teachings of neoclassical realism in the behavior of the American foreign policy are a mixture of the interaction of external factors (international system) and internal factors (internal structure and power and the type of perception of the decision-making elites of the American foreign policy) and it can be explained from the point of view of the neoclassical realism approach. The present research method is descriptive and analytical, using library resources and websites.

Towards the emergence of the fifth wave of terrorism in the world

Volume 11, Issue 2, March 2023, Pages 54-78

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2022.71990.1138

Yaser Esmailzadeh

Abstract Undoubtedly today terrorism is an important player in the international arena. A strategic look at the waves of terrorism in the world shows strong evidence for the emergence of a new wave of terrorism in the world. the present article seeks to answer the main question of what the fifth wave of terrorism will be in the region of West Asia and North Africa. Based on what has worked as terrorism in the region of West Asia and North Africa in the 21st century, "semi-state terrorism" seems to be the new wave of terrorism. A wave that controls parts of the territory of a weak state and maintains its rule there, as well as carrying out terrorist attacks against other countries. According to the global terrorism wave indices, in order to consider the fifth wave, the new terrorism phenomenon must be global, have the same driving force, and also be significantly different from the previous wave. It is obvious that semi-state terrorism, as a new wave of terrorism, is different from the fourth wave of religious terrorist groups. This aspect of terrorism prioritizes land control, participates in a wider range of government and governance activities (not just social services), seeks more power, and has takfiri ideologies. Finally, the article concludes that the phenomenon of semi-state terrorism has the potential to become a global wave if it continues to spread.

The model of measuring the state of international order and the hegemonic position of USA

Volume 14, Issue 1, March 2026, Pages 56-79

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2025.87056.1504

alireza KHosravi

Abstract Although the future of the international order and its coordinates can be analyzed from different angles and different levels of analysis, the complexity derived from rapid developments, network relationships, major events and frequent changes in the approaches and policies of major states during the transition period; prevails A situation of deep uncertainty over the future of the order, which makes it impossible to reliably estimate and predict how it will be. In this article, focusing on the war in Ukraine as a key event in the future state of the international order, the question is addressed, what are the future scenarios of the war in Ukraine and its implications for the international order? To answer this question, an attempt has been made to the foresight approach and the key uncertainty method, which are the approaches corresponding to the methodology of complexity in the philosophy of science. The findings confirm that out of the total of 5 main driving forces shaping the future of the war in Ukraine, two driving forces include: a) the level of NATO's risk tolerance for the continuation or extension of the war, and b) the level of cohesion, resilience and the possibility of Russian trade exchanges to continue the war; It has higher uncertainty and importance, and according to the different states of uncertainty, a total of four scenarios including: "nuclear war", "strategic stalemate", "restrained Russia ", and "victory Russia" as scenarios with The probability of occurrence is high in the next two years.

Conceptual Battle of the Middle East between the Political and Geography

Volume 10, Issue 2, March 2022, Pages 57-77

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2021.69714.1058

mohadese jazaei

Abstract The Middle East” is a controversial concept in terms of politics and geography. From a geographical point of view, there is no broad consensus on the borders of the Middle East. Also, there have been challenges in the use and application of the Middle East concept given the new theories to pay attention to the non-Western world. There have been challenges in applying this concept. To counter the monotony of European and American research and studies in the Middle East, instead of the concept of "Middle East", equations such as "Near East and North Africa", "North Middle East", "New Middle East", "Islamic Middle East", "Arab Middle East" "West Asia", and "Southwest Asia" are suggested instead. The main question of this article is "What is the reason for the inevitability of using this concept in all languages of the region, including Persian, Arabic, Turkish, and even Hebrew?" "Why can't the conceptual equivalents and proposed alternatives succeed in conveying the same meaning that the Middle East concept conveys?"  This research aims to answer why the concept of “the Middle East” cannot be left by focusing on the political issue and from the history of concepts method and theory view. The nature of “the political” emphasizes binary confrontations which confirms the fact of existing a stream of the battle between the political forces and group dominant on conversations in concepts forms. Although in this region criticize the hegemony of concepts such as the Middle East, and advocate for alternatives, the political irresistibility against geography is an important obstacle that complicates the use of alternative concepts of the Middle East.

The Xinxiang Situation and China-Turkey Relations

Volume 11, Issue 1, September 2022, Pages 59-85

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2022.70347.1070

hossein asghari sani, Masoud Mousavi Shafaee, maryam borazjani

Abstract Xinjiang Autonomous Region has been a complex puzzle for Chinese rulers throughout history and its people have been diverse in cultural, religious, and ethnic areas. In addition, geographical features and the existence of a border region challenge China's control on this area. Since 1949, the Uyghur separatists and the independence of East Turkestan as an internal problem. Since early 1990s, China has recognized the international aspects of this dilemma and has been forced to confront its consequences. The new policy affected China's relations with Turkey, which in addition to its historical, linguistic, religious and cultural ties with the Muslim Uighurs, was ideologically inspired by Uighur nationalism as well as a suitable place for Uyghur refugees.So the authors intend to investigate how the Xinjiang situation has affected China-Turkey relations. It seems that the quality and quantity of China-Turkey relations before the 1990s have been affected by the Xinjiang developments, and have been undermined, and the Xinjiang developments after the 1990s have been managed at the expense of the Uighurs by the economic, military and political relations between the two countries.
 
 
 

The Perception of Middle Eastern Leaders Regarding the Axis of Resistance Focused on Iran: A Case Study of Turkish and Saudi Arabian Perceptions

Volume 12, Issue 1, November 2023, Pages 59-93

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2023.77772.1303

najmiyeh poresmaili, Ali Ali Esmaeili Ardakani

Abstract Perceptions and misperceptions frequently affect government relations, subsequently impeding regional relationships. The present state of affairs in the Middle East is a perfect instance of how influential actors' perceptions and misperceptions affect the area, which remains a debated topic. Since the leaders of Turkey and Saudi Arabia have distinct personalities and mentalities, they take different approaches in terms of perspectives, analyses, judgments, and foreign policies on a variety of topics in the Middle East, particularly in relation to Iranian foreign policy goals and priorities. Therefore, it is crucial to examine how these varying mentalities have impacted their approaches to different regional and international issues. The article examines the differing perspectives of Turkish and Saudi Arabian leaders regarding the nature and goals of the Axis of Resistance, a crucial element of the regional political and security structure. The authors present a three-part series of propositions to clarify the reasoning behind these leaders' views on the Axis of Resistance. The differences in policies and actions among these leaders show that their varying mentalities, influenced by the three aforementioned propositions, have affected strategies and actions related to important matters like regional security, interactions with Western nations, the Axis of Resistance, and resolving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
 

Securitization of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan: levels and signs

Volume 12, Issue 2, June 2024, Pages 75-94

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2024.84313.1437

Mohammad Sharif Taniwal, seid ahmad fateminejad, seeyd hosein athari, Fatemeh Mahroogh

Abstract Foreign policy and providing national interests through it is one of the most basic needs and at the same time one of the most complex duties of all national governments. Throughout history, Afghanistan has also passed a difficult path to achieve national goals and interests, and taking into account its national needs and possibilities, it has adopted and followed several orientations and approaches in its foreign policy. Meanwhile, the recent 20-year period, which was associated with the establishment of the republican system and significant changes in the regional and extra-regional equations of Afghanistan, and at the same time with many threats, especially security, is of great importance in the country's foreign policy. Therefore, the present article seeks to answer the question, "What were the signs of the securitization of Afghanistan's foreign policy between 2001 and 2021 and at what levels were they represented?" The hypothesis of the research is that "one of the most prominent features of Afghanistan's foreign policy in the period under review is its security aspect, which is the adoption of a security-military approach and disarmament plans along with the advancement of the peace process at the domestic level, as well as a political-security approach and The strategic-security alliance along with lobbying in bilateral and multilateral meetings of the government and regional and extra-regional conferences at the foreign level have been one of its most important signs. In order to investigate this hypothesis, the theoretical framework of securitization and the qualitative method based on the content analysis approach have been used, and the data of this research has been extracted from library and internet sources.

The Role of Space in Intensifying the International Rivalries of the Great Powers

Volume 10, Issue 2, March 2022, Pages 79-99

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2021.70368.1072

Maryam Dorri Varnosfaderani, Ardeshir Sanaie, Alireza Soltani, kabak khabiri

Abstract Moving toward space was largely the result of the competition of terrestrial superpowers for planetary hegemony. Moving toward space has created a new criterion for recognizing the promotion of power and allocation of credit in the global community. The exploration and space technologies of the two superpowers, made the competition between them more intense. The launch of Sputnik 1 by the Soviet Union marked the beginning of the space race. Finally, the United States declared itself the winner of the space race by landing on the moon. But then not only did the rivalry between the two countries not end, but it also called on other countries, such as China, India, Japan and some European countries. From the beginning of the space age until now, military activities have been an important part of the goals of the powers. The main question is how space has played a role in intensifying competition between powers. The hypothesis of this article also believes that space has intensified competition between countries, especially space powers, by creating modern weapons and new conditions. From the point of view of neorealism, Space has become a new arena for intensifying competition between countries in the military field and gaining prestige.

The impact of changes in the polarization structure of the international system on the Middle East security (1980-2021)

Volume 11, Issue 2, March 2023, Pages 79-98

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2022.72548.1154

Ali Esmaeili, Mohammadali Shahryari, Mohammad Parsa

Abstract Middle East; Complex regions, with an intertwined structure and the structure of the international system, which includes the security of the region as well as the foundation of international relations of states in the future. The aim, therefore, is to answer the question of what effect the polarization developments in the international system between 1980 and 2021 have had on the conflicts and security of the Middle East? It can be said that the Middle East region is facing a pervasive and comprehensive insecurity due to the internal situation and the structure of the international system, so such regions can not, in terms of security, the impact of the international system on their orientations, policies and strategies. To prevent. In the current era of the international system, this influence on the Middle East sub-system has been very special. The findings of this study are based on the fact that with the disappearance of the bipolar system in 1991 and the emergence of the US-led unipolar system, the Middle East has experienced systemic turmoil, and the monopoly system (US) in 1991-2021 more than the bipolar system (America and the Soviet Union) In the years 1980-1991, he was influential in creating conflict and war in the Middle East. The expansion of the depth and scope of political, social, economic, and cultural instability in the Middle East is one of the consequences of such a situation. The research method is descriptive-analytical and using library resources.

The political effect of the construction of the Zangzor Corridor on the geopolitical weight of the Iran

Volume 14, Issue 1, March 2026, Pages 80-102

https://doi.org/10.22067/irlip.2026.87162.1509

Kamel Moniri, mostafa ghaderi, Iraj amirpour

Abstract Zangzor Corridor as a key and strategic space that allows Azerbaijan access to the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic according to clause 9of the tripartite agreement in Moscow, and due to this access, it is possible to connect the Turkic territories.The present article is descriptive-analytical in nature, focusing on the security theory of the Copenhagen school, and seeks to identify and analyze the political effects of the Zangzor Corridor on the geopolitical weight of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The findings of the article show that the Zangzor Corridor due to the change of international borders,the reduction of the dependence of the Republic of Azerbaijan on Iran, the increase of identity confrontations, the diminution of Iran in the east-west axis, the gaining of power of Iran's geopolitical rival in the region, the military alliances of Azerbaijan weaken the geopolitical position of Iran in The Caucasus region and issues such as Turkey's spatial connectivity with the Republic of Azerbaijan, the Caspian Sea and Central Asian countries, the increase in relations between Turkic-speaking countries and the loss of Iran's right of transit, including the reasons for the expansion of Turkey's geopolitical sphere of influence in the Caucasus and the expansion of NATO's sphere of influence to the east, can be The geopolitical weight of the Islamic Republic of Iran has a negative role.