Iranian Research letter of International Politics

Abstract The inhabitants of the two kingdoms of Iran and China have had continuous cultural, economic, and political relations for a long time and have been considered among the major players in the international system for centuries. These exchanges and trades have not only influenced the rituals and worldviews of the Chinese and Iranians, but their peaceful and stable lives have also depended on their cooperation at different times. A central document, which has dealt with the relations between Iranian and Chinese people is Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh. Over 1000 years ago, Ferdowsi has masterfully related the ties between the kings and the peoples in these two lands. Shahnameh can be considered a major resource to conduct research on the ancient relations between Iran and China. The present study attempted to use New Historicism to examine the Shahnameh stories, identify the various uses of Chinese goods in Iran and other parts of the world, and re-interpret valuable aspects of the relations between these people from a fresh perspective.

Abstract The author presents the concept of smart networked wars and Nonlinear Heterachic-panarchic Deterrence are as a new wave in modern studies of war and deterrence.These two are closely interconnected and often go hand in hand in the context of groups that living together. Throughout the history and evolution of international relations، the strategic environment and its types have determined the configuration of war and deterrence. On the other hand، deterrence against wars requires a specific configuration within the international system. This issue imposes particular demands on the foreign policies of states، especially at the regional level. Smart networked wars represent the final phase in the evolution of warfare، which necessitates a new pattern of deterrence. Although attention has been given to this، the existing literature on international relations has been unable to fully explain it. Deterrence against smart networked wars requires new systemic conditions، which can be explored within regional constructions of the international system. Thus، the present research raises the fundamental question of how the relationship between smart networked wars and deterrence. The answer to this question can be found in Heterarchic Panarchic deterrence، which is an innovative concept in the literature of International Relations and its strategic studies field. The main goal of this article is to advane the theory of nonlinear deterrence ;which the author introduced in the new wave of deterrence studies and to further develop it using the method of abduction.The result of the research article is also conceptualized in a new concept under the title of smart networked war and Nonlinear Heterarchic Panarchic Deterrence.

Abstract Countries are taking steps to exploit geopolitical opportunities to increase their power and international position, and corridors play a decisive role in this regard. Corridors are one of the important areas of transition and transformation in the global geometry of power, which have a direct impact on the interests and national security of countries. This has doubled the importance of corridors as a power component for regional and international actors. In this regard, during the 2023 G20 summit held in New Delhi, the India-Middle East-Europe Corridor, abbreviated as "IMEC", was announced. The goal of this multifaceted economic corridor, which includes multiple shipping, railway, and road networks, is to create a continuous trade route with the aim of connecting India to Europe through the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and ultimately Israel. Using a descriptive-analytical method and relying on library and electronic resources, the present study seeks to answer the question of what challenges and consequences Israel's presence and role in the emerging IMEC corridor have for Iran's national interests and security? In response to this question, the author tests the hypothesis that the activation of the IMEC corridor with the participation of Israel is a clear example of a geopolitical alliance and competition to isolate and weaken Iran's heartland position, which will bring numerous economic and security challenges to Iran. The research findings also indicate that the activation of the IMEC corridor provides a strategic opportunity for Israel to integrate into the region, escape from geopolitical and geoeconomic isolation, and enhance its political and security position in the Middle East. This poses a serious threat to Iran's national security and geopolitical and geostrategic position.

Abstract This article examines the impact of China’s mediation between Iran and Saudi Arabia on the redefinition of Riyadh’s stance toward the new talks between Iran and the United States. The primary research question addresses how China’s mediation between Iran and Saudi Arabia influences Riyadh’s position regarding these renewed Iran-US dialogues. Grounded in the theoretical framework of constructivism and employing a qualitative descriptive-analytical methodology, the central hypothesis posits that China’s 2023 mediation—as a non-Western power utilizing economic and security tools—has facilitated Saudi Arabia’s identity shift from one of “absolute hostility” to “conditional rivalry” with Iran. This transition has redefined the traditional pattern of confrontation between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the Middle East and brought about a significant change in Riyadh’s approach toward the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action). The findings indicate that China’s role has not only transformed Middle Eastern security dynamics but also reshaped traditional identity patterns in the bilateral relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia, contributing to a reduction in direct tensions between the two countries. This transformation suggests that the moderation of confrontational strategies between Iran and Saudi Arabia has created greater flexibility for Riyadh in its approach to the new Iran-US talks.

Abstract The concept of the "Asian Century" is significant in international analyses, signifying fundamental transformations in the East across political and economic dimensions. China is recognized as the most prominent emerging power in the region due to its policies and developments on a global scale, which have profound impacts on other Asian countries and global trends. In this context, the "Look to the East" approach in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran emphasizes cooperation with major Eastern powers while adhering to the principle of neither East nor West. This study explores how Iran can harness China's capabilities to achieve its national goals. The research hypothesis posits that China's economic, geopolitical, and military strength as a major Asian power can create significant opportunities for non-Western nations and regional actors like Iran. This can be realized through political and diplomatic support and enhanced cooperation in economic and technological spheres. The research employs a descriptive-analytical method, concluding that Iran's "Look to the East" approach seeks to leverage multilateralism and strengthen collaboration with countries like China in response to Western sanctions.

Abstract Digital diplomacy, as a contemporary form of diplomacy, leverages communication technologies to simultaneously enhance cultural diplomacy and soft power. By facilitating the flow of information and international interactions, this approach not only expands the scope of public diplomacy but also creates opportunities for the exchange of cultural values and increases the appeal of foreign policies through digital tools. In essence, digital diplomacy, by combining the functions of soft power and media capabilities, has become an effective instrument in advancing diplomatic objectives.

The central question of this research is: How does digital diplomacy, through components such as cultural diplomacy and soft power, influence the development of Iran's international relations at the transregional level? To answer this question, the study employs a meta-synthesis method to analyze and synthesize findings from various studies.

The findings indicate that in the digital age, mass media and cyberspace serve as platforms for showcasing soft power and effectively disseminating cultural diplomacy. Increased cultural interactions through social networks and digital platforms not only enhance a nation's image but also serve as a strategic tool for influencing global public opinion and strengthening international standing. Furthermore, this research highlights the pivotal role of cultural diplomacy in shaping transregional relations and the application of soft power in attracting international audiences.

Abstract International criminal policy reflects the strategies adopted on the international stage to address crimes against humanity. This policy, encompassing legislative, judicial, and executive realms, is not immune to criticism and errors. Considering Israel's crimes and aggressions in Palestinian territories generally, and the Gaza Strip specifically, the necessity of adopting appropriate international measures against these actions is undeniable. However, and especially with the continued aggressions and crimes of Israel, the ineffectiveness of these measures is felt. Therefore, a critical examination of international criminal policies and an explanation of their shortcomings becomes necessary. This paper is written using a descriptive-analytical method, library research, and referencing relevant documents. The central question of the article is: How is international criminal policy assessed concerning Israel's crimes in Palestine and Gaza? The findings indicate that the current international legislative, judicial, and executive criminal policy faces fundamental shortcomings in achieving justice and ending the long-standing conflict. The legislative criminal policy has weaknesses in drafting appropriate regulations, including criminalization or punishment, regarding such crimes. In terms of judicial criminal policy, the International Criminal Court's Prosecutor has taken a cautious approach to downplaying Israel's crimes. Furthermore, experts with nationalities from adversarial states have been selected to investigate incidents, which undermines the principle of universality and impartiality of this policy. The executive criminal policy also suffers from weaknesses in reflecting and reporting such crimes and utilizing popular capacities to alleviate the pain and suffering of the affected people of Palestine. Accordingly, legislative, judicial, and executive solutions are proposed.

Abstract Entering the 21st century, Iran and India significantly expanded their political, economic, military, and energy relations, culminating in the signing of a strategic partnership agreement in 2003. Despite challenges posed by Iran's nuclear ambitions and the nuclear agreement between India and the United States, the two countries maintained strong ties in security, economy, and energy until 2014. With the inauguration of the Narendra Modi administration in 2014, India’s "Look West policy" evolved into the "Act West Policy", reflecting a more dynamic approach to its foreign relations in the West Asian region. Given this shift in India’s foreign policy, it becomes essential to investigate what changes have occurred in India's approach towards Iran between 2014 and 2024. Using the Balance of Interests theory, this study hypothesizes that the most significant development in India’s foreign policy towards Iran during this period is the diminishing strategic importance of Iran for India. This shift is attributed to diverging interests, primarily driven by India's growing ties with Iran's regional competitors, including its cooperation with U.S. sanctions against Iran, a revised stance on terrorism in West Asia, efforts to bypass Iran through the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEEC), and its participation in the West Asian Quad (I2U2). The findings reveal that India has moved away from a balanced approach in its relations with Iran and its regional rivals. The research employs The hypothetico-deductive method for analysis and the data-gathering procedure is based on library findings.

Abstract Crises and their control have always been the main problem of countries and international actors in the field of foreign policy, and over the years, various methods have been used to control international crises. Today, one of the most innovative ways to control international crises is to use scientific diplomacy. In this regard, the present study sought to answer the question: What role did scientific diplomacy play in controlling the crisis resulting from the Iranian nuclear issue and the tension with the United States? Using the theoretical framework of soft power, this hypothesis has been proposed that scientific diplomacy can help control this crisis by using the work of desensitizing political-security relations, creating opportunities for the role of scientific and academic elites, and addressing social reference groups based on specialized needs. The research findings show that scientific diplomacy will provide the possibility of interaction between multiple actors. In the course of the Iranian nuclear case, scientific diplomacy can prevent this issue from becoming a security issue and make its political aspects more prominent than its security dimension. In this article, a descriptive-analytical method and library and internet tools have been used to collect information.

Abstract Obama era was full of ambiguity for the U.S allies and partners. That ambiguity was culminated by signature of JCPOA. When Trump came on power and changing of America approach to JCPOA, ultimately America withdrew from nuclear deal and new process was begun on cooperation among America and its allies and partners. Also Biden that declared to return to JCOPA, has continued Trump’s procedure. The main question is that: what approach has American Middle Eastern policy continued in Trump and Biden presidency? And hypothesis is that: In contrast to the Obama era, the American Middle East policy in the era of Trump and Biden, instead of delegating responsibility to regional allies and partners, has sought direct intervention to establish the balance of power and contain Iran. Research findings has shown despite Biden’s position based on return to JCPOA and negotiating with Iran his policy is continuing of the process that was started in Trump’s era. Containing previous pressures against Iran through non suspension sanctions and increasing pressures as imposing new sanctions and forming coalition all of them is shown to continue of the establish balance of power policy by direct intervention against Iranian hegemonic behavior. Research method is analytical-descriptive method and collect data and information library method has been used.

Abstract Tourism has become one of the most important and influential sectors of the global economy, contributing significantly to economic growth, employment, foreign-exchange earnings, and international exchange. The Middle East, owing to its strategic geopolitical position and rich historical and cultural heritage, constitutes an important region in the global tourism system. Among the countries of the region, Turkey has long been one of the most prominent international tourism destinations. The tourism sector has also played a significant role in Turkey's economic development and integration into the global economy.
The main objective of this article is to examine the impact of the transformation of Islamist discourse on the tourism industry in Turkey, with particular emphasis on the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) era. The central argument is that the transformation of Islamist discourse during the AK Party's rule toward a hybrid discourse combining elements of Islamism, conservatism, democracy, and neoliberalism contributed to the creation of a new political, institutional, and normative environment for the development of tourism. The study draws theoretically and methodologically on the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe. The findings indicate that the rise of the AK Party and the transformation of Islamist discourse were accompanied by significant legal, institutional, normative, and policy changes in the tourism sector, which contributed to its expansion and diversification.

Abstract The present study aims to conduct a comparative study of the opportunities and threats of Indian and Russian economic projects in Central Asia for Iran. Therefore, using thematic analysis and thematic matrix method through indirect observation (text analysis), research data were collected through existing texts using a purposive sampling method and through thematic coding the themes of the opportunities and threats of Indian and Russian economic projects in Central Asia for Iran were identified and finally compared and analyzed in terms of similarities and differences. The findings of the study showed that the commonality of the economic plans of India and Russia in Central Asia for Iran in terms of opportunities is to increase in the geopolitical importance of Iran and the expansion of relations with the countries involved in the aforementioned economic plans. Also, the difference between the economic plans of India and Russia in Central Asia for Iran in terms of threats is the negative political and economic consequences for Iran due to the implementation of Russian economic plans and the increase in the influence of regional and transregional powers in Central Asia and the decrease in Iran's influence in the region due to the implementation of Indian economic plans. To validate the qualitative findings, the audit and focus group method were used, and to assess its reliability, the repeatability and transferability or generalizability were used.

Abstract This article critically examines the interplay between the "victim requirement" under Article 34 of the European Convention on Human Rights and the concept of shared responsibility in the case law of the European Court of Human Rights. Focusing on cases involving multiple actors – such as governments and international organizations such as the European Union – this study addressed the question of how the Court’s interpretation of the concept of the victim requirement has affected the adjudication of cases involving shared liability. The hypothesis of this study was that the Court's strict adherence to the victim requirement, while protecting against frivolous claims, risks undermining liability in shared and several responsibility scenarios. By analyzing prominent cases, this article has shown how the Court's insistence on direct causation and individual harm has often marginalized complaints of indirect state violations or complicity. Through doctrinal legal analysis and comparative case studies, this article has argued that while the Court's victim requirement has ensured judicial economy, the court has struggled to adapt to the realities of modern governance, where responsibility for rights violations is diffused and institutionalized. This conclusion has advocated for procedural reforms – including a broader interpretation of "victim" and increased recognition of shared responsibility – to bring the Convention system into line with the complexities of 21st century human rights challenges.

Abstract The Indo-Pacific region has become the main focus of discussions and attention in the international system due to China's increased military presence over the past decade. By taking advantage of its economic capabilities, China has sought to expand its political and military influence in this region in order to define and secure its national interests more broadly within the framework of hegemonic competition with the United States. The continuation of this trend has raised serious and growing concerns, especially among countries in the region, including Australia. Australia, as a regional power, strategic ally of the United States, and traditional player in the Pacific, is facing complex and multifaceted challenges in the areas of defense and security in the wake of China's escalating military interventions and presence. Therefore, the main question of the present research is: What impact has Beijing's increased military presence in the Indo-Pacific region had on Australia's security strategy from 2021 to 2024? The research findings show that Beijing's increased military presence in the Indo-Pacific region from 2021 to 2024 has, on the one hand, led to and exacerbated distrust and ambiguity in the Australian government's assessment of China's intentions, and on the other hand, has paved the way for a fundamental revision of Australia's security strategy, in the form of developing a comprehensive security approach to strengthen and maximize Australia's relative power in the region. This research uses a qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach.

Abstract This study aims to identify the necessary conditions for the optimal foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in response to the normalization process between Arab countries and the Zionist regime, focusing on the period following the Abraham Accords. The main research question is: What scenarios can the Islamic Republic of Iran consider in its foreign policy when confronted with emerging regional coalitions that construct Iran as a common threat? This question gains significance within the context of regional geopolitical changes and the formation of new alliances based on the construction of Iran as a shared threat. To investigate this issue, the Delphi method was initially used to identify key influencing variables through expert opinions, followed by exploratory factor analysis to extract potential scenarios. Accordingly, this study is exploratory rather than hypothesis-testing. The statistical population consists of 20 academic experts specialized in Middle Eastern studies and experienced managers from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, selected through purposive sampling. The analysis identified five scenarios for Iran’s foreign policy outlook under these conditions. The first, the "Strategic Deadlock" scenario, represents an undesirable outcome characterized by Iran’s passivity and increased regional isolation. Conversely, four scenarios—"Balanced Diplomacy," "Endogenous Power," "Soft Influence," and "Active Deterrence"—are proposed as favorable foreign policy options to improve Iran’s position in the face of normalization. These scenarios examine the conditions for realization, requirements, opportunities, and threats for each pathway, providing a basis for strategic decision-making grounded in futures studies within Iran’s foreign policy.

Abstract Cryptocurrencies have rapidly gained popularity in Iran due to growing public interest and technological advances. Yet, the country lacks a coherent and structured regulatory framework to govern this dynamic sector. This study analyzes Iran’s cryptocurrency policy using the public policy cycle model, including agenda setting, formulation, decision-making, implementation, and evaluation. It aims to identify the philosophical and doctrinal underpinnings of Iran's regulatory approach.Applying a documentary-institutional method and a mixed-methods strategy, the research integrates qualitative content analysis with quantitative trend observation. Findings reveal a fragmented and reactive policy environment, with government interventions lacking strategic coherence. This has led to uncertainty among users, investors, and market actors. The study highlights institutional pluralism as a key challenge: various state bodies—such as the Central Bank, Ministry of ICT, and Supreme Council of Cyberspace—hold conflicting views, resulting in overlapping responsibilities and implementation inefficiencies. In contrast, non-governmental actors—tech startups, researchers, and informal users—have played an increasingly active role in shaping real-world outcomes, underscoring the significance of bottom-up innovation in tech policy. Current policies neither effectively manage risks such as money laundering and capital flight nor capitalize on the innovative potential of cryptocurrencies. To address this gap, the study proposes a comprehensive, context-sensitive framework including: a central regulatory authority, a national strategy, inclusive stakeholder participation, institutional capacity-building, and regular evaluation. The research concludes by emphasizing the need for a clear philosophical orientation—whether security-driven, market-based, or a balanced hybrid—that aligns with Iran’s socio-political context. It offers both theoretical insight and practical guidance for enhancing the governance of emerging financial technologies in Iran, contributing to broader global debates on digital currency regulation

Abstract This research investigates why Marxist discourse found a foothold in Afghanistan by analyzing the concepts of power, ideology, and resistance within a theoretical framework. It examines the political, social, and ideological factors that led to the spread of Marxism in Afghanistan during the 1970s and after 1250 (Afghan calendar). Relying on a descriptive-analytical method and drawing from written sources and available documents, the research seeks to uncover the process by which leftist thought entered Afghanistan and became influential, particularly during the Cold War era. It also addresses the structural and social reactions of Afghan society to this phenomenon. The findings show that three main groups played pivotal roles in this process: First, intellectuals and thinkers influenced by the Soviet Union's ideological bloc who attempted to transfer Marxist ideologies into the country. Second, the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), which became the primary political vehicle for Marxist ideologies and played a significant role in shaping Afghanistan's political structure. Third, cultural and media institutions that worked to promote leftist ideas among the general public. Despite this, the Marxist power structure was ultimately unsuccessful due to dependency, internal contradictions, incompatibility with Afghanistan’s social structures, and widespread resistance among the people. Afghan society could not transform into a Marxist entity. This study concludes that the failure of Marxism in Afghanistan lies in its lack of social and cultural legitimacy, and the internal contradictions of the ideological, governmental, and social structures.