مقالات
rohollah eslami
Abstract
In analysis foreign policy all document must be connected together with narration. For this purpose we have three narrations can describe and analysis foreign policy. Western narration with realism, idealism, criticism and constructivism have hegemonic condition and always research use this method. Islamic ...
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In analysis foreign policy all document must be connected together with narration. For this purpose we have three narrations can describe and analysis foreign policy. Western narration with realism, idealism, criticism and constructivism have hegemonic condition and always research use this method. Islamic narration special after victory 1979 revolution Iran and constitute Islamic republic of Iran became common. But Iranshahri narration is absent from political and thought and act. In this article I want describe national identity Iran and analysis Iranshahri thought originate from ancient and continue to contemporary era have many source, basic and element in environment politic. First show that element Iranshahri political thought to referencing Avesta, inscription, Ardavirafname and many book translated to Arabic language for example Ahde Ardashir and Name Tansar. Second apply national Iranian thought to strategy foreign policy. Strategy dialogue among nations, big cultural Iranian and smart power. For influence to real world analysis three technic diplomacy, war and security and protocol ceremonial. For this approach and mechanism that apply in real politic we can defense to national interest.
مقالات
Ali Bagheri Dolatabadi; Ebrahim Aghamohammadi
Abstract
Indonesia is one of the Muslim countries in Southeast Asia, making significant economic and political progress in recent decades. Today, this progress in the political arena is seen as the activities of various groups in the form of political parties and factions in this country's decision-making process. ...
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Indonesia is one of the Muslim countries in Southeast Asia, making significant economic and political progress in recent decades. Today, this progress in the political arena is seen as the activities of various groups in the form of political parties and factions in this country's decision-making process. The main question here is, "Why have Indonesian Shiites failed to change their socio-political position and failed to find a suitable political role and position in the country?" To answer the question, based on the combination of the two theories of political mobilization and the structure of political opportunity, it can be stated that "The five components of a dispersed population, along with the weak economic strength of the Shiite people, fragmented and non-political leaders, the prevailing ideology and obstruction of the political system, the dysfunctional organization and the lack of access to influential allies and the political non-use of media opportunities had played an essential role in this situation. The findings also show that Indonesia's Shiite population does not have the necessary geographical cohesion, organizations with a synergistic and mobilizing approach, dynamic and practical ideology, and leaders with socio-political concerns. Therefore, the Shiites of this country have been deprived of the process of participation in power. In this paper, the descriptive-analytical method and library method have been used to collect and analyze data.
مقالات
Sajad Bahrami Moghadam
Abstract
The purpose of this article is to explain the emergence of crony capitalism in the Arab Republic of Egypt, and it answers the question of what has led to the formation of Crony capitalism in the Arab Republic of Egypt? In response, the hypothesis investigated is that the Arab Republic of Egypt's captured ...
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The purpose of this article is to explain the emergence of crony capitalism in the Arab Republic of Egypt, and it answers the question of what has led to the formation of Crony capitalism in the Arab Republic of Egypt? In response, the hypothesis investigated is that the Arab Republic of Egypt's captured governance by the rent-seeking elites and coalition has led to the emergence of crony capitalism in this republic. The dominant political elites and coalitions analyzed by an explanatory method and the theoretical perspective of political economy, findings show that the political elites not only fail to encourage development but also go even as far as blocking the necessary introductions of economic growth, such as the fair, favorable environment for economic growth that is the most powerful instrument for reducing poverty and improving the quality of life, so that is the fundamental cause of economic backwardness, in the country.
مقالات
Ali Davtalab; Seyed Mohammad Ali Taghavi; Mohsen Khalili; Vahid Sinaei
Abstract
This study examines the internal causes of the Syrian crisis from the perspective of the development of ethnic and religious relationships in the country. the research question is: how the Syrian government's ethnic-religious policies have affected the ethnic-religious relations in this country, leading ...
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This study examines the internal causes of the Syrian crisis from the perspective of the development of ethnic and religious relationships in the country. the research question is: how the Syrian government's ethnic-religious policies have affected the ethnic-religious relations in this country, leading to the current crisis. This research covers the period beginning from the collapse of the Ottoman Empire until 2018. The research method is historical and its theoretical framework is the "Ethnic Policy Patterns" presented by Martin Marger. According to this framework, the Syrian government's ethnic-religious policy during the French mandate was “unequal pluralism” aimed at further accentuating the differences between the ethnic-religious minorities and the Syrian Sunni Arabs majority in order hinder Syrian independence championed by Sunni Arabs nationalists. Ethnic-religious policies of the governments during the period of independence were also based on cultural and structural “assimilation” in favor of the Sunni Arab majority. the kurds became subject to expulsion and extermination both physically and culturally. The “unequal pluralism” policy of the French guardian government and the “assimilation” policy of the independent era, despite their different goals, have moved in the same direction, and had the same results. The profound cultural and structural effects of these policies have created a continual sense of suspicion, distrust, and feeling of danger among ethnic-religious groups. This has led to the continuation and intensification of ethnic-religious disputes and conflicts in the country that ultimately brought about the current crisis and the ongoing full-scale war.
مقالات
rashid recabian; mehrdad ale pour
Abstract
International relations have experienced significant controversial debates over the profound transformations that have emerged in the structure of the international system in the post-cold war era. China's endeavor to challenge US hegemony in the Indo - Pacific region, which is referred to as the "New ...
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International relations have experienced significant controversial debates over the profound transformations that have emerged in the structure of the international system in the post-cold war era. China's endeavor to challenge US hegemony in the Indo - Pacific region, which is referred to as the "New Great Game" signifies this trend. China uses a balancing approach to limit the effects of US adopted strategies, which includes "dissemination", "expansion" and "intervention". By influencing the dynamics of the international power cycle and creating one-multi-power system, China is looking to increase its share of global power. This paper investigates the foundation of China’s strategies to the United States policies at the Indo - Pacific region. The findings of the article reveals that, influenced by the geopolitical, geostrategic and geo-economic conditions of the region, and in the light of its new relations and interactions in the Indo - Pacific strategic platform, as well as in response to the challenge of the United States, China has implemented a balanced approach between 2010 and 2018 at the domestic and foreign levels. The main goals of this approach is to provide a multi-polar system.
مقالات
Mohammad Salami Ostad; Mohammad Hossain Jamshidi; Sahar Bahrami Khorshid; Mohsen Eslami
Abstract
Since assuming office in 2015, King Salman, Saudi Arabia’s approach toward Iran has shifted from a conservative defense policy to an aggressive conservative policy. The Saudi officials have frequently attempted to define Iran as an international threat in their meetings and interviews. The current ...
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Since assuming office in 2015, King Salman, Saudi Arabia’s approach toward Iran has shifted from a conservative defense policy to an aggressive conservative policy. The Saudi officials have frequently attempted to define Iran as an international threat in their meetings and interviews. The current research investigates King Salman's speech at the Riyadh meeting to show how Saudi officials, particularly King Salman, have used the concepts of "security maker" and the use of "language" as tools of "verbal action" to portray the Islamic Republic of Iran as a "security threat" in the Middle East region. The research method in this article is Norman Fairclough’s " of Critical Discourse Analysis", and Ole Weaver’s theory of "securitization". Findings of the article show that King Salman condemned the Islamic Republic of Iran at the summit by using the words in international law and the delicate basis of his theological power on current issues in the international community as well as the general demands of international conventions. And in this way, it will convince the audience about the security of Iran with the content of its words.
مقالات
javad salehi
Abstract
Seizing state of pirate in the high seas tends to submit to the regional state based onthe piratetransfer agreement. Criminal justice can be done to him by applying the principle of universal jurisdiction to a third state. Meanwhile, the seizing state has also been detained based on universal jurisdiction, ...
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Seizing state of pirate in the high seas tends to submit to the regional state based onthe piratetransfer agreement. Criminal justice can be done to him by applying the principle of universal jurisdiction to a third state. Meanwhile, the seizing state has also been detained based on universal jurisdiction, and his submission presents serious challenges. In this respect, this article's primary purpose is to examine the pirate transfer agreement's function with the criteria laid down in the UNCLOS and the principle of universal jurisdiction based on the descriptive-analytic method. The research's central question is, what are the pirate transfer agreement's function with the principle of universal jurisdiction and the provisions of the UNCLOS? The study's findings show that the seizing state, in light of the universal jurisdiction principle provided in article 105 of the UNCLOS, is required to exercise full criminal jurisdiction from arrest to punishment. But seizing state handles the first part and entrusts the second part to the regional state with which the seizing state has arranged the pirate transfer agreement. This division stems from the exercise of criminal jurisdiction. It prescribes by article 100 of the UNCLOS in connection with states' specific obligation to cooperate in the fight against piracy on the high seas. But it does not comply with the principles of personal, territorial, and protective criminal jurisdiction in other offenses and territorial seas.
Original Article
Abdolreza Alishahi; Younes Forouzan; Hossein Masoudnia; Ali Majidinejad
Abstract
From 1991 to today, the issue of Iraqi Kurdistan region independence is one of this region's primary goals. Massoud Barzani held the independence referendum, the head of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, to achieve this goal on 25 September 2017 and pushed Iraq to the brink of the danger of separatism and ...
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From 1991 to today, the issue of Iraqi Kurdistan region independence is one of this region's primary goals. Massoud Barzani held the independence referendum, the head of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, to achieve this goal on 25 September 2017 and pushed Iraq to the brink of the danger of separatism and civil war. The countries of the region, such as the Islamic Republic of Iran, Turkey, and Syria, which have a minority of the Kurds, considered this a potential threat to their national security. This article seeks to answer this question: despite the holding of a referendum on Iraqi Kurdistan's independence, what scenarios can be expected for the future of this region? And what impact will it have on the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? By using the future research method and written and virtual resources, the authors devised three major scenarios on the future of the Kurdistan region. The findings suggest that the political and economic sanctions from countries of the Middle East such as Iran, Turkey, and Iraq, the death of Jalal Talabani, and the internal challenges of the Kurdish parties led to the referendum's suspension. And the future of the Kurdish region of Iraq, according to the variables of the Cantori and Spiegel model, not only does not lead to regional convergence, but a considerable divergence will take place in the Middle East and the threats posed by the level of coherence, the nature of the communications, the structure of the relationship and the level of power, and the interventionist actor to the Islamic Republic of Iran.
مقالات
Mohammad Javad Fathi; Abdolvahab Yosefinezhad
Abstract
The Syrian crisis has threatened the interests of the Russian Federation more than any other transregional actor; therefore, to protect its interests in the strategic region of the Middle East and the Mediterranean subsystem, it has sought to manage the developments. The central question of the research ...
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The Syrian crisis has threatened the interests of the Russian Federation more than any other transregional actor; therefore, to protect its interests in the strategic region of the Middle East and the Mediterranean subsystem, it has sought to manage the developments. The central question of the research is what are the characteristics of the Russian model of crisis management in Syria? To answer this question, Charles Hermann’s Crisis Cube theoretical model and the three components of “threat”, “time”, and “awareness” have been used. The crisis has left Russia with a choice between three management models: peaceful and software, coercive and aggressive, and intelligent management. In the Syrian crisis, the threat to Russia's core values is insignificant and on the other hand, there is plenty of time to respond to threats, and of course, there is a lack of awareness of the events and where they occur; hence, according to the Crisis Cube model, the Russian Federation's interpretation of the developments in Syria is that the crisis is slow, so there is no urgency for aggressive and coercive actions. The findings show that the Russian officials, based on the type of inference and interpretation of the three main characteristics of the Crisis Cube, concluded that the model of intelligent crisis management with the priority of using software levers will bring about better results for them. This research has been done qualitatively using a descriptive-analytical approach and the method of data collection has been documentary-library method.
مقالات
Majid Kafi; azam molaee
Abstract
With the advent of a new over the last few years this article seeks to explore the relationship between the recently introduced approach to international relations in psychology and the emergence of "psychological constructivism". Constructivism provides a good platform for the interconnection of international ...
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With the advent of a new over the last few years this article seeks to explore the relationship between the recently introduced approach to international relations in psychology and the emergence of "psychological constructivism". Constructivism provides a good platform for the interconnection of international relations and psychology, and this productive link will open new perspectives on this field. After examining psychological constructivism, the article focuses on and responds to the criticisms that have been made of this new approach. The authors conclude from these studies that the headlines of psychological constructivism studies respond to the discipline's inevitable need to challenge the complexities of modern-day politics and international relations, and indeed a way to bring the field closer to the subject of its analysis of behavior. The social and political order of man is in the form of state and quasi-state order. Psychological constructivism thus not only makes possible the realization of the central promise of constructivists, that is, the presentation of image-based cross-structure and broker sequences at different levels of analysis, but is also an important step aside from rational claims based on the imposition of grand patterns and ultimately to make this discipline more humane than the humanities.
مقالات
mohsen mohebi; Vahid Bazzar
Abstract
In accordance with article 94(2) of the charter of United Nations, If any party to a case fails to perform the obligations incumbent upon it under a judgment rendered by the Court, the other party may have recourse to the Security Council, which may, if it deems necessary, make recommendations or decide ...
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In accordance with article 94(2) of the charter of United Nations, If any party to a case fails to perform the obligations incumbent upon it under a judgment rendered by the Court, the other party may have recourse to the Security Council, which may, if it deems necessary, make recommendations or decide upon measures to be taken to give effect to the judgment. The Council has the full authority in response to the request of the beneficiary of judgment. However, if it accepts the request, it should not review The Court's judgment in merit. Also, the Council is not required to take into account threats to peace, violations of peace or aggression (article 39) for action according to article 94(2), and has the full authority in the type of recommendations it propose or measures it adopt. Permanent members of the Council shall not have any prohibition to veto. However, there are disagreements about whether a member of the Council that is a party to the dispute and the judgment of the Court can participate in voting in the Security Council. In practice, although the issue of the implementation of the judgment of the Court in the Council has been raised four times, no significant efforts have been made by the United Nations political organ in the implementation of judgments of the UN's judicial organ. The Council's passive approach to ensuring the implementation of the Court's judgment, which is undoubtedly one of the most important ways to resolve peaceful dispute settlement in interstate relations, is contrary to the Council's primary function, the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, and it is required for Council to use the capacities of Article 94(2) of the Charter to implement appropriately its primary duty.
مقالات
naser yosefzehy; morteza mendhadi
Abstract
The shape and form of social action in post-Taliban Afghanistan is different than that of the past. Government repression, militarism and the religious politics used to dominate Afghanistan in the Taliban era. However, the recently formed EnlightenmentMovement (2016) follows a peaceful approach to achieve ...
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The shape and form of social action in post-Taliban Afghanistan is different than that of the past. Government repression, militarism and the religious politics used to dominate Afghanistan in the Taliban era. However, the recently formed EnlightenmentMovement (2016) follows a peaceful approach to achieve its demands. Understanding this movement requires a basic knowledge of the modern dynamics of the political sociology of Afghanistan. This economic movement was the response of Hazara ethnicity to the shift of the electricity transmission line from Bamyan to Salang. This research investigates the background of peaceful occurrence of the Enlightenment Movement and its consequences. According to our hypothesis, democracy and modernization in Afghanistan have paved the way for the emergence of civil movements such as the Enlightenment. The hypothesis has been tested based on the collective behavior theory of Smelser. According to the findings, the increasing demand for economic justice and political participation by ethnic and religious minorities is a result of democracy in Afghanistan. Consequently, economic movements and peaceful competition over the fair distribution of energy resources (wealth) are a new form of collective action in post-Taliban Afghanistan.
