farzad rostami; Mokhtar Zibaee; forouzan marzbani
Abstract
Gaining and maintaining a superior position in the challenging geopolitics of the Middle East is one of Iran's strategic priorities, and this important goal has been realized for many years under the shadow of benefiting from the two wings of the country's military and ideological power. A position that, ...
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Gaining and maintaining a superior position in the challenging geopolitics of the Middle East is one of Iran's strategic priorities, and this important goal has been realized for many years under the shadow of benefiting from the two wings of the country's military and ideological power. A position that, despite the priority of pragmatism and transformation in regional power and wealth production circuits, including economic and environmental priorities, social reforms, the emergence of new regional and extra-regional power actors, the formation of new power blocs, the priority of science and technology, etc., has a worrying perspective. To maintain Iran's regional position has been faced. A topic that using the descriptive-analytical method and regional security theory design, in the form of the question that what are the strategic-approach requirements of Iran despite the changes in the foundations and traditional bases of power in the Middle East? And the hypothesis that Iran is not exempt from the change of power equations in the Middle East and that it is necessary to review the past policies based on being limited to ideological-security competitions in order to maintain the balance and not remove the power from the multi-dimensional security in the Middle East, has been analyzed. The findings of the research show that the new Middle East, unlike Iran's idealistic and realism-oriented policies, has moved with the application of liberal and pragmatic policies and centered on hybrid power, and the traditional ideology-security tactic, despite the regional de-escalation, is to leave the outcome of the power game to the competitors, and in this direction In order to maintain regional authority, it is necessary for Iran to take measures such as efficient and trial-and-error diplomacy, the use of a multi-dimensional and knowledge-based economy, benefiting from geopolitical capacities, improving society and governance relations as the basis of foreign policy, using cultural and historical capacities and... do it.
farzad rostami; neda kahrizi
Abstract
The anarchic and self-serving structure of international politics leads to security and power-based competition and rivalry.The current rivalry between the United States and China can be examined in this context. The United States assesses China's presence in the Middle East and the growing Sino-Israeli ...
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The anarchic and self-serving structure of international politics leads to security and power-based competition and rivalry.The current rivalry between the United States and China can be examined in this context. The United States assesses China's presence in the Middle East and the growing Sino-Israeli interaction as a threat in the strategic region of the Middle East. The present study examines the US-China political competition in Israel. The Sino-Israeli increasing relations is remarkable from various dimensions. This article investigates the security implications of Chinese influence in Israel for the United States. The authors use a descriptive analytical approach and a library method to argue that the ncreasing Sino-Israeli relations will have security implications for the United States with technological, infrastructure, cyber and commercial dimensions. Using the theory of the security dilemma, the authors explain the dimensions of China's increasing involvement in the Middle East, with an emphasis on Israel, and its security implications for the United States. Consequently, several security implications are likely for the United States if the United States does not pay attention and the scope of tension between the two economic poles expands It will complicate the situation for the United States
farzad rostami; zahra zangene
Abstract
Managing regional crises requires the formation of cooperation and intgration between countries in the region. Solving environmental crises is one of the issues that is no exception. Obviously, in the absence of regional convergence, managing this crisis will face a real challenge. The environmental ...
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Managing regional crises requires the formation of cooperation and intgration between countries in the region. Solving environmental crises is one of the issues that is no exception. Obviously, in the absence of regional convergence, managing this crisis will face a real challenge. The environmental crisis, in particular the crisis of the microstats, which has been a serious challenge to the Middle East region in recent years, calls for regional cooperation. But contrary to expectations, countries in the region have not been willing to form a cooperative regime. In this research, the barriers to the formation of this convergence have been investigated. The question is, what are the barriers to the establishment of an environmental cooperation regime in the Middle East? The thesis hypothesis is that managing environmental crises requires a set of factors such as consensus, multilateral diplomacy and international regimes, in the current Middle East region, the existence of crises and political conflicts, including the occupation of Iraq, the developments of 2011 Its implications as well as hydropolitan disputes between countries in the region have created unfavorable conditions for the management of environmental crises, including the problem of waterfalls. In this thesis, the analytical-descriptive method has been used.
