Mohammad Sharif Taniwal; seid ahmad fateminejad; seeyd hosein athari; Fatemeh Mahroogh
Abstract
Foreign policy and providing national interests through it is one of the most basic needs and at the same time one of the most complex duties of all national governments. Throughout history, Afghanistan has also passed a difficult path to achieve national goals and interests, and taking into account ...
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Foreign policy and providing national interests through it is one of the most basic needs and at the same time one of the most complex duties of all national governments. Throughout history, Afghanistan has also passed a difficult path to achieve national goals and interests, and taking into account its national needs and possibilities, it has adopted and followed several orientations and approaches in its foreign policy. Meanwhile, the recent 20-year period, which was associated with the establishment of the republican system and significant changes in the regional and extra-regional equations of Afghanistan, and at the same time with many threats, especially security, is of great importance in the country's foreign policy. Therefore, the present article seeks to answer the question, "What were the signs of the securitization of Afghanistan's foreign policy between 2001 and 2021 and at what levels were they represented?" The hypothesis of the research is that "one of the most prominent features of Afghanistan's foreign policy in the period under review is its security aspect, which is the adoption of a security-military approach and disarmament plans along with the advancement of the peace process at the domestic level, as well as a political-security approach and The strategic-security alliance along with lobbying in bilateral and multilateral meetings of the government and regional and extra-regional conferences at the foreign level have been one of its most important signs. In order to investigate this hypothesis, the theoretical framework of securitization and the qualitative method based on the content analysis approach have been used, and the data of this research has been extracted from library and internet sources.
seid ahmad fateminejad; seyed mojtaba alawi
Abstract
The 20-year period of US presence in Afghanistan after 2001 was one of the periods in which conflict and insecurity continued to prevail in Afghanistan. Various factors can be mentioned for this insecurity, one of which has been the competition of foreign actors in Afghanistan.The present study seeks ...
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The 20-year period of US presence in Afghanistan after 2001 was one of the periods in which conflict and insecurity continued to prevail in Afghanistan. Various factors can be mentioned for this insecurity, one of which has been the competition of foreign actors in Afghanistan.The present study seeks to answer the question of what consequences the US-Iranian rivalry and conflict have had for Afghanistan's national security?The research hypothesis is that the US-Iran conflict in Afghanistan has weakened Afghanistan's national security by increasing the armed conflict, weakening the Afghan government , and reducing the growth of trade relations between Iran and Afghanistan.To test the hypothesis, the theoretical framework of national security and explanatory method have been used. In this regard, on the one hand, some regional and international issues in dispute between the two countries and on the other hand, some differences between them regarding Afghanistan, have provided the ground for competition and conflict between them in Afghanistan.Therefore, the policy of the two countries towards Afghanistan has a completely security basis and the pursuit of the parties to ensure their national interests has led them to act against each other's interests in Afghanistan.The findings show that these measures have implications for Afghanistan's national security in military, political and economic dimensions.
barati barati; vahid sinaee; seyed ahmad fatemi nejad
Abstract
Abstract
In recent years, Iran-Turkey relations have experienced different situations from friendship to rivalry and even enmity. The ambivalence has raised various explanations among observers in international relations and foreign policy. This article aims to assess durability of Iran-Turkey relations ...
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Abstract
In recent years, Iran-Turkey relations have experienced different situations from friendship to rivalry and even enmity. The ambivalence has raised various explanations among observers in international relations and foreign policy. This article aims to assess durability of Iran-Turkey relations regardless of their disputes. In other word, the main question here is why Iran and Turkey have not been subject to a long-term tension despite their critical rivalries in recent years. We hypothesize that linkage between securitizing and destabilizing processes affecting both has obliged the two countries to prevent falling into crisis and welcome cooperation. It seems that regional security complex theory could be helpful here. In this regard, six factors including geographical neighborhood, model of friendship and hostility, existence of two influential actors, relative independence, security interdependence, cultural-civilizational relationships, and economic relations are examined in Iran-Turkey relations. Findings show that their avoidance of deepening mutual tensions is due to the same location of the two countries in the security complex.
Seyyed Ahmad Fatemi Nejad
Abstract
The link between international conflict and economy linkage is one of the focal subjects in international political economy (IPE). The aim of this article is to scrutinise the impact of the economic factor on managing Indo-Pakistan conflict based on IPE approaches. So, the article organizes as follows: ...
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The link between international conflict and economy linkage is one of the focal subjects in international political economy (IPE). The aim of this article is to scrutinise the impact of the economic factor on managing Indo-Pakistan conflict based on IPE approaches. So, the article organizes as follows: first, it is tried to provide a brief coherent theoretical framework concentrated on conflict-economy linkage; this contributes to idenifying two macro variables: bilateral cooperation and economy-oriented policy. Second, Indo-Pakistan cooperation is studied through two indices of bilateral trade and investment. Third, using available data, it is demonstrated that economy-oriented policy by the countries has deterred them from reciprocal hostile actions and led them to prudent conducts. The paper will be ended with a conclusion.