rohollah eslami; Farideh Amani
Abstract
Iran and Saudi Arabia are among the most influential and important countries in the Middle East and in the larger geographical and ideological sphere of the Islamic world, which, following the victory of the Islamic Revolution, developed hostile and confrontational relations with each other. Different ...
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Iran and Saudi Arabia are among the most influential and important countries in the Middle East and in the larger geographical and ideological sphere of the Islamic world, which, following the victory of the Islamic Revolution, developed hostile and confrontational relations with each other. Different approaches of the two countries in regional and global issues, the efforts of the two countries to become the first power in the region, the two countries becoming a symbol of Shiite and Sunni religious poles, the positions of the two sides on regional crises It led to a less than positive relationship between the two countries and in some cases led to tensions and conflicts. In this regard, the authors seek to answer the fundamental question of why, despite the religious homogeneity and regional interests of Iran and Saudi Arabia, they continue to insist on their enmity? In response to the research question, based on the theoretical framework of ontological security, it is hypothesized that the commitment of Iran and Saudi Arabia to their enmity with each other has become commonplace, which provides their interests in a more favorable way for them. Both countries do not want to disrupt this normal process by changing their view of the other, so their conflict has an identity (structural) and ontological dimension. The research method in this research is interpretive and the method of data collection is library and articles, sites, etc.
Mehdi Zibaei; Reza Simbar; Ahmed Jansiz
Abstract
The main body of academic literature on Historical Sociology of International Relations (HSIR) is divided into two parts. The first part is produced by the scholars who are trying to enrich this theory as an eclectic approach. The second part relies on the researchers who are seeking to provide a meaningful ...
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The main body of academic literature on Historical Sociology of International Relations (HSIR) is divided into two parts. The first part is produced by the scholars who are trying to enrich this theory as an eclectic approach. The second part relies on the researchers who are seeking to provide a meaningful interpretation of political incidents by connecting the interior and exterior levels of analysis and making the role of international setting inflated. The international system as a phenomenon that stems from the social relations, in this context, is affected by the striking variables that are based on both internal and international milieus. This research paper intends to go beyond the mainstream approach in IR which relies on level of analyses such as power, security, economics, identity, and so forth by drafting an especial theoretical approach in order to explain the international system in the HSIR context. The authors, furthermore, believe that the international system is a social phenomenon that includes a wide variety of relations from the sub-national level to the international tendencies.
maryam borazjani; hossein asgharisani; Zahra Pourdast
Abstract
The presentation of a favorable image of national sovereignty and international prestige is regarded as an important demand for states in the international arena and a useful way to advance their policy goals. Government officials in various countries seek to not only promote the positive aspects of ...
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The presentation of a favorable image of national sovereignty and international prestige is regarded as an important demand for states in the international arena and a useful way to advance their policy goals. Government officials in various countries seek to not only promote the positive aspects of their international prestige but also to stabilize their global position. The dramatic growth and sudden rise of china's economy, on the one hand, increases the national power and on the other hand, strengthens the "China phobia" and a threatening image of China in the global powers' outlook. In contrast, in order to deal with the threat and neutralize the wave theory of "China phobia", the Chinese tried to take advantage of "public diplomacy" to present a peaceful and pro-cooperation image of their country. Accordingly, this study attempted to answer the question 'how "Public diplomacy" helped to change the negative image of China in the eyes of the world public opinion?' by using a qualitative approach to the analysis of data in the framework of public diplomacy and image making. It seems that this country has been able to replace the negative image presented by its opponents to the foreign public opinion with a positive one by focusing on branding in the areas of culture, education, and tourism.
Mohammad Soltaninejad
Abstract
In this article the ideational and normative dimensions of Iran’s bid to join the nuclear countries’ club is studied. The main question is: what is the status of identity and ideational concerns in Iranian nuclear conflict and its resolution? Using a qualitative and analytical method, to answer this ...
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In this article the ideational and normative dimensions of Iran’s bid to join the nuclear countries’ club is studied. The main question is: what is the status of identity and ideational concerns in Iranian nuclear conflict and its resolution? Using a qualitative and analytical method, to answer this question, the author tests the hypothesis that non-recognition of identity concerns of Iran by the West in the course of the nuclear conflict has been effective in the conflict’s continuation. In the same way, quelling the Iranian identity concerns in the framework of the arrangements taken within the Joint Plan of Action and Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action has helped resolution of the nuclear conflict. Using the Social Psychology theory, the author further contends that Iran –West identity competition has served as the reason for inclusion of Iranian identity concerns into the nuclear conflict. In other words, the Iran-West identity competition gave significance to the West’s resistance towards Iran’s completion of domestic nuclear fuel cycle as an identity matter and drove it to materialize its nuclear rights despite sanctions and threats.
Sajad Bahrami Moghadam; Ali Asghar Sotoudeh
Abstract
Russia is concerned with the old question of ‘what is Russia?’ Russians’ answers to this question have influenced the country’s foreign policy directions. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the debate over Russia’s identity and its foreign policy goals has escalated .In 1992, the political ...
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Russia is concerned with the old question of ‘what is Russia?’ Russians’ answers to this question have influenced the country’s foreign policy directions. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the debate over Russia’s identity and its foreign policy goals has escalated .In 1992, the political elite that identified itself with liberalism, accompanying Kozyrev, joined Yeltsin in itself efforts to make Russia into a liberal democratic market economy and a willing ally of Western hegemony in the world. The liberals were, however, challenged by Slavists and Eurasianists, and finally fell from power. With the rise of Eurasianists, Russia's foreign policy has been changed. By the end of the 1990s and the beginning of the new millennium, a new Russia was emerged that no longer defined itself in Western or Eurasian terms, but instead sees itself as restoring Russia’s “natural” identity. Accordingly, the direction of Russian foreign policy has changed once again. In this article, internal debates over Russia’s national identity and its impact on the country’s foreign policy has been discussed. The question is what the impacts of Russia’s identity layers on its foreign policy are. The hypothesis is that different layers of Russia’s identity, that is, Slavism, Eurasianism, Atlantism as well as the so-called authentic Russian identity, have given rise to different “ought”s in its foreign policy.
