hojat naderi; ali amiri; mehdi shahin
Abstract
The Iran-Iraq war, which Tooke place at one of the most critical moments in history, during the Cold War, provoked various reactions from political actors, especially the neighbors of the two countries and the Arab countries. Given the importance and geopolitical conditions of Syria for the warring parties, ...
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The Iran-Iraq war, which Tooke place at one of the most critical moments in history, during the Cold War, provoked various reactions from political actors, especially the neighbors of the two countries and the Arab countries. Given the importance and geopolitical conditions of Syria for the warring parties, its position in this war has been geopolitically explained as the research issue of this study. For this research, data were collected using the library method. Data analysis is descriptive-analytical methods based on analysis tools adapted from geopolitical science. The findings of the study indicate that Syria, although it has always had tacit support for Iran since the Islamic Revolution, but different geopolitical conditions, especially the field conditions of the war have led to three different types of behavior during the war. The different stances of each period have provided special geopolitical opportunities and challenges for the warring parties and Syria itself, thus affecting the geopolitical balance of the war by creating different geopolitical consequences. Syria Not only did not take a stand solely on the basis of its ideological commonalities during the ideological period of Cold War, but it also took full advantage of the geo-economic opportunities of the war. On the other hand, Syria's deep support for Iran in the second phase of the war led to the formation of the axis of resistance centered on the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is one of the most important pillars of maintaining Bashar al-Assad's power in Syria today.
Amir Hossein Vazirian; shahrooz shariati
Abstract
Iran's military presence in Oman and Syria over the past half-century has been seen as a sign of growing regional power and influence in Iran's foreign policy. This article seeks to answer the question of why Iran was involved in the crises of the two Arab countries of Oman and Syria during the last ...
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Iran's military presence in Oman and Syria over the past half-century has been seen as a sign of growing regional power and influence in Iran's foreign policy. This article seeks to answer the question of why Iran was involved in the crises of the two Arab countries of Oman and Syria during the last half century, and what has this military presence achieved for Iran's national interests? To find this answer, documentary data, reliable sources and documentary methods, post-event analysis and comparative methods have been used. Findings show that despite the essential differences between the international system and the ruling political regime in Iran in the last half century, Iran's military presence in the territory of the Kingdom of Oman and the Syrian Arab Republic was to free Iran from geopolitical siege. Using the teachings of the theory of realism and the concept of offensive defense, the article shows that the achievement of Iran's overseas presence in the Oman crisis was to prevent endangering energy security and the threat of the spread of communism in the Persian Gulf region. Iran's military presence in the Syrian crisis also significantly neutralized the geopolitical threat of Salafi radicalism in the West Asian region, in addition to preserving Iran's territorial integrity.
mostafa khiri; faramarz tagylu
Abstract
The Arab uprisings in Syria did not lead to the overthrow of the Assad regime, but to a civil war between the Syrian groups and the competition of regional and trans-regional powers over getting influence in Syria. The result of such a situation is the control of Kurdistan by Democratic Alliance, which ...
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The Arab uprisings in Syria did not lead to the overthrow of the Assad regime, but to a civil war between the Syrian groups and the competition of regional and trans-regional powers over getting influence in Syria. The result of such a situation is the control of Kurdistan by Democratic Alliance, which is considered as the Syrian branch of the PKK. The present article aims to examine the Turkish strategy in the face of the threats posed by the emergence of a Kurdish Autonomous Region in the aftermath of the Syrian crisis along the southern borders of Turkey.Therefore, the nature of the Syrian crisis and the ways of controlling Syria’s Kurdistan by P.Y.D have been analyzed. According to research findings, Turkey, following a policy of patience and passivity towards ISIL and using Barezany leverage, initially attempted to prevent the emergence of Syria's Kurdistan and controlling it by the P.Y.D, but with the advent of the Syrian Kurdistan, most of which arose from the strategic withdrawal of Assad forces from northern Syria and the Western support of P.Y.D., Ankara turning toward Iran-Russia axis and moving toward military presence in Syria, tried to curb the threats made by P.Y.D. in Syria.
Ali Davtalab; Seyed Mohammad Ali Taghavi; Mohsen Khalili; Vahid Sinaei
Abstract
This study examines the internal causes of the Syrian crisis from the perspective of the development of ethnic and religious relationships in the country. the research question is: how the Syrian government's ethnic-religious policies have affected the ethnic-religious relations in this country, leading ...
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This study examines the internal causes of the Syrian crisis from the perspective of the development of ethnic and religious relationships in the country. the research question is: how the Syrian government's ethnic-religious policies have affected the ethnic-religious relations in this country, leading to the current crisis. This research covers the period beginning from the collapse of the Ottoman Empire until 2018. The research method is historical and its theoretical framework is the "Ethnic Policy Patterns" presented by Martin Marger. According to this framework, the Syrian government's ethnic-religious policy during the French mandate was “unequal pluralism” aimed at further accentuating the differences between the ethnic-religious minorities and the Syrian Sunni Arabs majority in order hinder Syrian independence championed by Sunni Arabs nationalists. Ethnic-religious policies of the governments during the period of independence were also based on cultural and structural “assimilation” in favor of the Sunni Arab majority. the kurds became subject to expulsion and extermination both physically and culturally. The “unequal pluralism” policy of the French guardian government and the “assimilation” policy of the independent era, despite their different goals, have moved in the same direction, and had the same results. The profound cultural and structural effects of these policies have created a continual sense of suspicion, distrust, and feeling of danger among ethnic-religious groups. This has led to the continuation and intensification of ethnic-religious disputes and conflicts in the country that ultimately brought about the current crisis and the ongoing full-scale war.
aliasghar sotoudeh; sayed amir niakoee
Abstract
Foreign policy of the modern Turkey was established on a western orientation signified in its NATO membership. However, the end of the Cold War drastically changed Turkey's security dependencies. Zero problems with neighbors and Strategic Depth policies of Justice and Development Party since its ascent ...
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Foreign policy of the modern Turkey was established on a western orientation signified in its NATO membership. However, the end of the Cold War drastically changed Turkey's security dependencies. Zero problems with neighbors and Strategic Depth policies of Justice and Development Party since its ascent to power were the reactions to these changes. Meanwhile, the security dynamics following the Arab spring and the civil wars in Syria and Iraq drastically changed the security priorities and dependencies of Turkey. In this regard, the present paper explores how the new security dynamics in Middle East, especially civil wars in Syria and Iraq, have affected Turkey's security priorities and dependencies.The findings of the paper illustrate that the new security dynamics have convinced Turkey to shift from Balkan-Turkey security complex to the Middle East security complex. This transition has been formed in two periods. In the first period, new dynamics created many opportunities to increase Turkey's regional role in competition with other regional players, especially Iran. In the second period, the expansion of civil wars in Syria and Iraq increased the dependences of Turkish national security to the Middle East security complex. The Kurdish problem and Islamic fundamentalism arose from the power vacuum in Syria and Iraq have been the most important threats linking Turkey to the security complex of the Middle East. The methodology of the present paper is descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method is based on the library and internet sources.
Majid Abbasi; Vahid Mohammadi
Abstract
When the Tunisian Revolution triggered the domino of the collapse Arab leaders, it was not anticipated to reach to Syria creating a deep conflict with local, regional and trans-regional dimensions. However, when the protests speared to Syria, various players try to exploit it to their own advantage, ...
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When the Tunisian Revolution triggered the domino of the collapse Arab leaders, it was not anticipated to reach to Syria creating a deep conflict with local, regional and trans-regional dimensions. However, when the protests speared to Syria, various players try to exploit it to their own advantage, and an all-out conflict began. Due to Syria's geopolitical location, regional powers such as Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and trans-regional powers like the US and Russia became involved in the crisis, competing with each other. Considering the nature of the relationship and interdependency between the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran and that of Syria, the question arises as to what are the interests of regional and trans-regional powers in Syria and what will be the impact of their rivalry on Iran’s security? As an answer to the first question, it is argued that behavioural patterns formed by the anarchic structure of the international system has been the cause of the Syrian conflict, as attempts at pursuit of survival and power have led to the conflict of interests and a change in the balance of power. In order to evaluate the consequences of the fall of Assad, Barry Buzan’s concept of existential thereats has been used, as it is argued that such an event would have negative impacts on Iran’s strategic depth, and counts as an existential thereat to it. Using Patrick M. Morgan’s levels of analysis, Kenneth Waltz’s logic of limited number of powers, and the realist theory’s statism, the behaviors of four powerful players in the conflict (the US and Saudi Arabia as the opponents of the status quo and Russia and Iran as its advocates) are analysed.
