fereshteh bahramipoor; Kamran Karami
Abstract
Relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia have fluctuated between conflict, competition and limited cooperation during the past few decades. Often, the competition and conflict of these two actors are analyzed based on ideological or geopolitical approaches and their ...
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Relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia have fluctuated between conflict, competition and limited cooperation during the past few decades. Often, the competition and conflict of these two actors are analyzed based on ideological or geopolitical approaches and their cooperation based on regionalism theories and based on the structure of the international system, but the investigation of the understanding and perception of their political and military elites is mostly ignored. This research seeks to investigate the effect of these signals on the conflict, the prolongation of negotiations, the speed of recent agreements and the future of the relations between the two actors by examining the statements and behavior of the political-military elites of the two countries. The main question that is raised is: What effect did the signals sent by the political-military elites of Iran and Saudi Arabia have on their relations? In response to the above question, within the framework of signaling theory and with the method of qualitative content analysis, this hypothesis is proposed that: the signals sent by the political-military elites and the behavior of Iran and Saudi Arabia towards each other have caused the elites of the two countries to perceive threats based on have each other and this has led to prolonged negotiations and as a result intensifying competition and conflict between them and at other times these signals are based on cooperation and non-zero sum game that brings two actors closer to each other and agreements between They are formed. According to the experience of such ups and downs in sending signals, it is expected that the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia will fluctuate in the medium term with the transition from conflict to competition and limited cooperation
fereshteh bahramipoor; Mohammad Hamed PourJaafari
Abstract
Today, almost all politicians in the world are on the Internet and posting texts and reports on their accounts. The culmination of these activities can be seen during the Iran-P5 + 1 nuclear talks. The main question here is: What has been the role of social media in the Vienna nuclear negotiations? Semi-structured ...
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Today, almost all politicians in the world are on the Internet and posting texts and reports on their accounts. The culmination of these activities can be seen during the Iran-P5 + 1 nuclear talks. The main question here is: What has been the role of social media in the Vienna nuclear negotiations? Semi-structured interviews were used to collect data. All data were analyzed using qualitative content analysis method. The results of the first sub-question showed that interaction with the public, management of public opinion and the use of English were part of the strength of the Iranian nuclear negotiating team in using social media and, on the other hand, not having Strategy, disorder, and lack of a media consultant can also be included in the list of negotiators' weaknesses in the use of these networks. In another part of the results and in response to the second sub-question, it was revealed that breaking the monopoly of the mainstream media, raising people's social capital towards officials and direct interaction with the people of the world and face-to-face conversation with public opinion are the most important goals. The nuclear negotiating team has been using social media to pursue it, but from the point of view of the interviewees, media coverage, tools of psychological warfare, media streaming, news analytics and complementary information flow are among the most important functions. Social media was at the core of the negotiations
