Abdolreza Alishahi; Younes Forouzan; Hossein Masoudnia; Ali Majidinejad
Abstract
From 1991 to today, the issue of Iraqi Kurdistan region independence is one of this region's primary goals. Massoud Barzani held the independence referendum, the head of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, to achieve this goal on 25 September 2017 and pushed Iraq to the brink of the danger of separatism and ...
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From 1991 to today, the issue of Iraqi Kurdistan region independence is one of this region's primary goals. Massoud Barzani held the independence referendum, the head of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, to achieve this goal on 25 September 2017 and pushed Iraq to the brink of the danger of separatism and civil war. The countries of the region, such as the Islamic Republic of Iran, Turkey, and Syria, which have a minority of the Kurds, considered this a potential threat to their national security. This article seeks to answer this question: despite the holding of a referendum on Iraqi Kurdistan's independence, what scenarios can be expected for the future of this region? And what impact will it have on the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? By using the future research method and written and virtual resources, the authors devised three major scenarios on the future of the Kurdistan region. The findings suggest that the political and economic sanctions from countries of the Middle East such as Iran, Turkey, and Iraq, the death of Jalal Talabani, and the internal challenges of the Kurdish parties led to the referendum's suspension. And the future of the Kurdish region of Iraq, according to the variables of the Cantori and Spiegel model, not only does not lead to regional convergence, but a considerable divergence will take place in the Middle East and the threats posed by the level of coherence, the nature of the communications, the structure of the relationship and the level of power, and the interventionist actor to the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Abdolreza Alishahi; Younes Forouzan; Hossein Masoudnia
Abstract
Abstract
Having won the majority in the 2018 Iraqi parliamentary general elections, the Sauron coalition headed by Muqtada al-Sadr attempts to stabilize the country, maintain security and run economic development plans. This article aims to answer the following question: what are the most important ...
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Abstract
Having won the majority in the 2018 Iraqi parliamentary general elections, the Sauron coalition headed by Muqtada al-Sadr attempts to stabilize the country, maintain security and run economic development plans. This article aims to answer the following question: what are the most important features and indicators of the Sadr Pan-Shi'ite movement in the post-ISIS Iraq? Taking advantage of the theory of social gaps, the authors found out the Sadr's current three major political approaches: Sadr's personal authoritarianism, his pragmatic dialogue with the Sunnis and the Saudi Wahhabism, and his extreme nationalism. In addition to these three main causes, three other factors have been considered as facilitating factors: the lack of interference of Najaf's authority in political affairs, challenges with The Popular Mobilization Forces and the ambiguous stance towards the Islamic Republic of Iran and Syria. The research method of this paper is explanative and based on the written and virtual resources.
