vahid sinaee; fatemeh mahrough; Ehsan Mozdkhah
Abstract
Complexity in international relations and regional order have force countries as one of the strategic necessities to Pay attention to active diplomacy and collective neighborhood policy to strengthen and secure national interests. In this context, Iran as a multi-neighborhood country is facing with neighbors ...
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Complexity in international relations and regional order have force countries as one of the strategic necessities to Pay attention to active diplomacy and collective neighborhood policy to strengthen and secure national interests. In this context, Iran as a multi-neighborhood country is facing with neighbors with geopolitical characteristics, strategic and geoeconomics dignity as well as security problems. This situation requires Iran to follow multi-neighborhood foreign policy in the form of fractal neighborhood policy and the logic of the multiplex network. Respectively, the fundamental goal of this article is to explain the status of post -revolutionary Iran's neighborhood policy in a new reading. To this end, the central question of this article is how Iran's active neighborhood foreign policy as a multi-neighborhood country can be explained in the context of the international system structure? The paper hypothesis states that the use of strategic and intelligent diplomacy in Iran’s foreign policy along with pursuing, smart synergy and attention to institutional practices lead to the construction of fractal neighborhood policy.
Mohammad Ebrahim Forouzesh; a najafzadeh; Vahid Vahid Sinaei; Morteza Manshadi,
Abstract
Afghanistan is a country with diverse ethnic minorities that have been in conflict with each other, without much emphasis on nationalism. Lack of social cohesion has led to the dominance of tribal leaders in the country. On the other hand, modern nation-state building has been introduced through the ...
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Afghanistan is a country with diverse ethnic minorities that have been in conflict with each other, without much emphasis on nationalism. Lack of social cohesion has led to the dominance of tribal leaders in the country. On the other hand, modern nation-state building has been introduced through the French Revolution and colonization in India. These two ideologies have resulted in a cultural shock, tug of war between tradition and modernity, and violence in Afghanistan. Nationalism, which introduces traditional values into modern clothing, is in conflict with liberalism, which emphasizes post-enlightenment ideology and development in Europe, but has not been able to bring development to Afghanistan. Nationalism has led to division and animosity between the various cultures and ethnic groups in Afghanistan, resulting in social conflicts, weak nationalism, and underdevelopment. Armed uprisings, the emergence of terrorist groups, foreign intervention, the destruction of infrastructure, and the collapse of the developmental mindset are some of the consequences of this underdevelopment. This sociological-historical research aims to answer the question of how the delay in the formation of nationalism affected the development and led to the collapse of the developmental mindset in Afghanistan. The hypothesis is that the delay in the formation of civic nationalism, weak separation of private and public spheres in the eighth constitutional law, lack of historical background to liberal teachings, the non-sociological function of global society, and continuous ethnic nationalism without regard to the past have contributed to this collapse.
naser yosefzehy; Vahid Sinaee
Abstract
Constructivism is one of the most widely used theoretical approach for analizing foreign policy. But this approach has failed yet to provide the researches with a coherent and modeled framework. Therefore, many studies have not been sufficiently aware of the theoretical, methodological and conceptual ...
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Constructivism is one of the most widely used theoretical approach for analizing foreign policy. But this approach has failed yet to provide the researches with a coherent and modeled framework. Therefore, many studies have not been sufficiently aware of the theoretical, methodological and conceptual necessities that should have been considered in foreign policy analysis. For this reason, they have undergone superficial analysis and "theoretical reductionism". For example, constructivists in ontology have not addressed "anthropology" and "socialization." Such a "problem" stems from the nature of constructivism; because constructivism is a buffer and synthesis of positivism and post-structuralism, has included a paradoxical combination of objective and subjective elements in foreign policy analysis. Therefore, empirical studies require methodical theoretical studies. With the aim of compiling a research guide for constructivist researchers, the question is addressed: based on constructivism what are the theoretical foundations and requirements of research in foreign policy analysis. According to our findings, the study of foreign policy requires the analysis of constructivism in the five dimensions of ontology, epistemology, methodology, typology and conceptology. In ontology, "level of analysis" and "units of analysis" must be specified: micro level (anthropology, socialization and stateology) and macro level (international system, international organizations, international law, international structures and agents). In epistemology, the relationship between knowledge and value, subject and object, explanation and interpretation, reality and truth, material and meaning are analyzed. Ontology and epistemology determine the method of research: quantitative or qualitative. Then the type of constructivism is chosen: interpretive, critical, and post-modern or positivist. Finally, the basic conceptual constructs are extracted and defined: inter-subjectivity, constructivism, culture, identity, idea, knowledge, norm, and socialization. These five requirements indicate the complexity and difficulty of constructivist analysis of foreign policy.
Afsane Danesh; vahid sinaee
Abstract
AbstractChina and India's rapid growth and development in recent years, with two different political structures, have made them an attractive phenomenon in development issues. In so far as that, the two countries have become models for other developing societies which seek to understand the relationship ...
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AbstractChina and India's rapid growth and development in recent years, with two different political structures, have made them an attractive phenomenon in development issues. In so far as that, the two countries have become models for other developing societies which seek to understand the relationship between political structure and development. India is a country with a democratic infrastructure, but China has an authoritarian and centralized system. The present paper seeks to examine the relationship between political structure and economic development in India and China based on the model of the developmental state of Adrian Leftwich. Therefore, the current article investigates the relationship between political structure and economic development in these two countries. We hypothesize that the existence of developmental state indicators in these two countries has led to the economic development of India and China. The level of democratic freedom does not necessarily determine development. This study shows that the existence of the characteristics of a developmental state, including developmental elites, the relative independence of the state, strong bureaucracy, and weak civil society, has provided the necessary grounds for development in China and India. This paper is based on data and documentary-library
Ali Davtalab; Seyed Mohammad Ali Taghavi; Mohsen Khalili; Vahid Sinaei
Abstract
This study examines the internal causes of the Syrian crisis from the perspective of the development of ethnic and religious relationships in the country. the research question is: how the Syrian government's ethnic-religious policies have affected the ethnic-religious relations in this country, leading ...
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This study examines the internal causes of the Syrian crisis from the perspective of the development of ethnic and religious relationships in the country. the research question is: how the Syrian government's ethnic-religious policies have affected the ethnic-religious relations in this country, leading to the current crisis. This research covers the period beginning from the collapse of the Ottoman Empire until 2018. The research method is historical and its theoretical framework is the "Ethnic Policy Patterns" presented by Martin Marger. According to this framework, the Syrian government's ethnic-religious policy during the French mandate was “unequal pluralism” aimed at further accentuating the differences between the ethnic-religious minorities and the Syrian Sunni Arabs majority in order hinder Syrian independence championed by Sunni Arabs nationalists. Ethnic-religious policies of the governments during the period of independence were also based on cultural and structural “assimilation” in favor of the Sunni Arab majority. the kurds became subject to expulsion and extermination both physically and culturally. The “unequal pluralism” policy of the French guardian government and the “assimilation” policy of the independent era, despite their different goals, have moved in the same direction, and had the same results. The profound cultural and structural effects of these policies have created a continual sense of suspicion, distrust, and feeling of danger among ethnic-religious groups. This has led to the continuation and intensification of ethnic-religious disputes and conflicts in the country that ultimately brought about the current crisis and the ongoing full-scale war.
barati barati; vahid sinaee; seyed ahmad fatemi nejad
Abstract
Abstract
In recent years, Iran-Turkey relations have experienced different situations from friendship to rivalry and even enmity. The ambivalence has raised various explanations among observers in international relations and foreign policy. This article aims to assess durability of Iran-Turkey relations ...
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Abstract
In recent years, Iran-Turkey relations have experienced different situations from friendship to rivalry and even enmity. The ambivalence has raised various explanations among observers in international relations and foreign policy. This article aims to assess durability of Iran-Turkey relations regardless of their disputes. In other word, the main question here is why Iran and Turkey have not been subject to a long-term tension despite their critical rivalries in recent years. We hypothesize that linkage between securitizing and destabilizing processes affecting both has obliged the two countries to prevent falling into crisis and welcome cooperation. It seems that regional security complex theory could be helpful here. In this regard, six factors including geographical neighborhood, model of friendship and hostility, existence of two influential actors, relative independence, security interdependence, cultural-civilizational relationships, and economic relations are examined in Iran-Turkey relations. Findings show that their avoidance of deepening mutual tensions is due to the same location of the two countries in the security complex.
