Rohollah Eslami; Alireza Ansary Kargar; Atiqullah Rahimi,
Abstract
The transformations and developments occurring in Afghanistan over time have significantly influenced the strategic and security policymaking of the regional states. Due to its proximity to Russia's sphere of influence, the Central Asian state of Afghanistan holds a special geopolitical significance ...
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The transformations and developments occurring in Afghanistan over time have significantly influenced the strategic and security policymaking of the regional states. Due to its proximity to Russia's sphere of influence, the Central Asian state of Afghanistan holds a special geopolitical significance for Moscow. In its 2021 National Security Strategy, Russia adopted a comprehensive perspective on security, indirectly addressing the threats emanating from Afghanistan's territory, following the ascension of the Islamic Emirate to power in 2021. This article addresses the question of how Russia's approach to security and geopolitical engagement with the Islamic Emirate aligns with its 2021 National Security Strategy. The authors hypothesize that Moscow, within the framework of the 2021 National Security Strategy, seeks to establish security and geopolitical engagement with new governing entities in Kabul. To address this question and validate the hypothesis, this study employs content analysis, utilizing library resources and credible news agencies for data collection. Findings indicate that Russia's approach to the Islamic Emirate is structured around two dimensions: security (mechanisms focused on Afghanistan, military and operational exercises, and support for the Islamic Emirate's anti-ISIS policies) and political engagement aimed at countering U.S. unilateralism through mechanisms such as the "Moscow Format" and the Regional Contact Group. Furthermore, Russia seeks to exert influence on regional political meetings, including those held in Doha.
rohollah eslami; Hameed Jabery
Abstract
Being among the world's biggest debtors in the 1980s, Brazil made progress and developed at an unparalleled pace since the mid-1990s with economic reforms. This article aims to examine the Brazilian trade policy process and its relation with Iran. By applying the theory of complex interdependence, it ...
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Being among the world's biggest debtors in the 1980s, Brazil made progress and developed at an unparalleled pace since the mid-1990s with economic reforms. This article aims to examine the Brazilian trade policy process and its relation with Iran. By applying the theory of complex interdependence, it was found that while abandoning the tradition of protectionism and the tendency to integrate into the global geo-economy, it diversified its partners in the form of trade agreements, reduced reliance on Mercosur, strengthened The entry of foreign capital and the presence of Brazilian investors oversees, trade multilateralism, the reduction of tariff rates and non-tariff barriers; On the other hand, the necessity of concluding preferential and especially free trade agreements between Iran and Brazil, creating export capacity due to the complementarity of the economies of the two countries, as well as overcoming challenges such as tariff rates and cooperation in the direction of multilateralism in the form of institutions such as BRICS, are opportunities that could shape Iranian trade policy towards Brazil.
Mohammad Dawood Erfan; Seyyed Assadollah Athari; Islami Ruhollah; Mahdi najafzadeh
Abstract
The political school of Herat, which was formed by the Islamic-mystical thoughts of Maulana Abdul Rahman Jami and a network of Timurid era scientists, is based on justice, peace, Persian language, tolerance and tolerance, the teachings of ancient Iran and Turkish teachings. - Mongolian emphasizes. Amir ...
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The political school of Herat, which was formed by the Islamic-mystical thoughts of Maulana Abdul Rahman Jami and a network of Timurid era scientists, is based on justice, peace, Persian language, tolerance and tolerance, the teachings of ancient Iran and Turkish teachings. - Mongolian emphasizes. Amir Ali Shirnavai, minister of the Timurian court, and Maulana Hossein Waez Kashifi, two of Jami's students, have played a valuable role in the development of Herat's political school. Through these two, Jami's teachings have entered the political societies of that period and have practically flowed through the court in the social and cultural context. Peace is one of the most key concepts that has overlapped with other concepts such as expediency, reconciliation, tolerance and tolerance and has crystallized in the theory and practice of the political school of Herat, so that the Timurid era is one of the most peaceful periods in the history of the region. goes This article, with the conceptual framework of Quentin Skinner's constructivist school and hermeneutic methodology, aims to answer the question of the place of peace between communities in the political thought of the Herat school. It seems that the presence of Maulana Jami, the leader of the Naqshbandi sect, who is known for his peace and tolerance; As a great cultural consultant of the court, he is one of the main reasons for the peaceful atmosphere of the Timurid period. By creating a network of mystic thinkers inside and outside the Timurid rule, Jami had proposed peace as the main state of that period.
rohollah eslami; Farideh Amani
Abstract
Iran and Saudi Arabia are among the most influential and important countries in the Middle East and in the larger geographical and ideological sphere of the Islamic world, which, following the victory of the Islamic Revolution, developed hostile and confrontational relations with each other. Different ...
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Iran and Saudi Arabia are among the most influential and important countries in the Middle East and in the larger geographical and ideological sphere of the Islamic world, which, following the victory of the Islamic Revolution, developed hostile and confrontational relations with each other. Different approaches of the two countries in regional and global issues, the efforts of the two countries to become the first power in the region, the two countries becoming a symbol of Shiite and Sunni religious poles, the positions of the two sides on regional crises It led to a less than positive relationship between the two countries and in some cases led to tensions and conflicts. In this regard, the authors seek to answer the fundamental question of why, despite the religious homogeneity and regional interests of Iran and Saudi Arabia, they continue to insist on their enmity? In response to the research question, based on the theoretical framework of ontological security, it is hypothesized that the commitment of Iran and Saudi Arabia to their enmity with each other has become commonplace, which provides their interests in a more favorable way for them. Both countries do not want to disrupt this normal process by changing their view of the other, so their conflict has an identity (structural) and ontological dimension. The research method in this research is interpretive and the method of data collection is library and articles, sites, etc.
alireza sahraee; mohsen khalili; Mortaza Menshadi; Rohollah Islami
Abstract
Abstract
This paper studies the writings of Mohammad Ali Foroughi, an influential Pahlavi era politician to construct a continuum of power according to the analytical model of Christopher Hill. This research aims to find out what aspects of the contimuim of power Foroughi was more interested in. We ...
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Abstract
This paper studies the writings of Mohammad Ali Foroughi, an influential Pahlavi era politician to construct a continuum of power according to the analytical model of Christopher Hill. This research aims to find out what aspects of the contimuim of power Foroughi was more interested in. We hypothesize that he preferred soft power over hard power because he knew Iran did not possess the essentials of hard power. This research follows the descriptive-analytical methodology to analyze relevant written sources.
rohollah eslami shabjare; mohammad sahraee
Abstract
Foreign policy refers to adopting a thought-out procedure in relation to other international actors. Only powerful countries conduct foreign policy. The powerful Sassanid Empire had a style of thought and action in foreign relations during the ancient period. This thesis aims to study Iranian foreign ...
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Foreign policy refers to adopting a thought-out procedure in relation to other international actors. Only powerful countries conduct foreign policy. The powerful Sassanid Empire had a style of thought and action in foreign relations during the ancient period. This thesis aims to study Iranian foreign policy using Holsti’s theoretical framework. This research attempts to study some of the most important issues in the Sassanid foreign policy, including competition with the Roman Empire and China, relations with the Armenians, recognition of the Christianity religion in Rome, and the expansion of the Roman Empire in the Mesopotamia and the Arabian Peninsula. In this research, approaches, tools, actions, and techniques of Sassanid’s foreign policy are analyzed. This research argues that the foreign policy pattern of Sassanid dynasty was based on Iranshahr pattern. Sassanid’s foreign policy history in relation to Arabs, Turks, Chinese, and Romans has been analyzed to support this argument. Iranshahr pattern of Sassanid dynasty was based on maintaining Zoroastrianism and the national identity of Iranshahr. Iranshahr also emerged after the rise of Islam in the Safavid and Islamic revolution.
