Iranian Research letter of International Politics

Abstract Security Strategy is a set of speeches, approaches, techniques, attitudes, orientations and actions of a country in connection with other regional and extra-regional actors. As an important part of foreign policy, security strategy is formed under the influence of several factors, including ideological competitions, geopolitics, the presence of regional and extra-regional actors and proxy actors. Focusing on Saudi Arabia as one of the main players in the Middle East region, this research seeks to understand the place of proxy wars in Saudi Arabia's security strategy in the Middle East region. It seems that Saudi Arabia is trying to maintain the balance of power and gain regional superiority against Iran by resorting to proxy wars. In order to test this hypothesis, the theoretical framework of aggressive realism and explanatory method was used, and research data was collected from library and documentary sources. The findings of the research show that proxy wars have played a central role in Riyadh's security strategy, and this country has tried to change the balance of power and regional supremacy in its favor with the support of proxy activists such as Ahrar al-Sham, Jabhat al-Nusra and Jaish al-Fatah. Iraq, Syria and Yemen are examples of the application of this approach, in which Riyadh directly and indirectly resorted to proxy wars.

Abstract The US Marshal Plan to reconstruct the war affected Europe was introduced and implemented after WWII, presenting for the first time the concept of ¨Development Aid” in international relations. Designed to achieve reconstruction and stability creation in Europe, it could secure Soviet Union containment, one of the American strategic objectives. In other times and subject to circumstances, development assistance has been used to guarantee national interests US foreign policy has always pursued political, socio-economic and cultural changes in developing countries in accordance with its national interests. This research is meant to find out type of changes US has created in the Middle East, Africa, Latin America and South East Asia in the period of 2000-2020 through its development assistance scheme. Based on the school of thought dominating the US hegemonic position, structural or non-structural changes have been promoted in developing countries. Bush and Obama administrations have tried to make structural changes in developing countries and create socio- political order similar to American system, following Wilsonian tradition, while Trump Jacsonian- Jefersonian state has not had a priority to change situation in the developing world. Therefore, it could be concluded that the reception of US development assistance might end causing existential changes in the aid receiving country.

Abstract The transformations and developments occurring in Afghanistan over time have significantly influenced the strategic and security policymaking of the regional states. Due to its proximity to Russia's sphere of influence, the Central Asian state of Afghanistan holds a special geopolitical significance for Moscow. In its 2021 National Security Strategy, Russia adopted a comprehensive perspective on security, indirectly addressing the threats emanating from Afghanistan's territory, following the ascension of the Islamic Emirate to power in 2021. This article addresses the question of how Russia's approach to security and geopolitical engagement with the Islamic Emirate aligns with its 2021 National Security Strategy. The authors hypothesize that Moscow, within the framework of the 2021 National Security Strategy, seeks to establish security and geopolitical engagement with new governing entities in Kabul. To address this question and validate the hypothesis, this study employs content analysis, utilizing library resources and credible news agencies for data collection. Findings indicate that Russia's approach to the Islamic Emirate is structured around two dimensions: security (mechanisms focused on Afghanistan, military and operational exercises, and support for the Islamic Emirate's anti-ISIS policies) and political engagement aimed at countering U.S. unilateralism through mechanisms such as the "Moscow Format" and the Regional Contact Group. Furthermore, Russia seeks to exert influence on regional political meetings, including those held in Doha.

Abstract This article critically examines the interplay between the "victim requirement" under Article 34 of the European Convention on Human Rights and the concept of shared responsibility in the case law of the European Court of Human Rights. Focusing on cases involving multiple actors – such as governments and international organizations such as the European Union – this study addressed the question of how the Court’s interpretation of the concept of the victim requirement has affected the adjudication of cases involving shared liability. The hypothesis of this study was that the Court's strict adherence to the victim requirement, while protecting against frivolous claims, risks undermining liability in shared and several responsibility scenarios. By analyzing prominent cases, this article has shown how the Court's insistence on direct causation and individual harm has often marginalized complaints of indirect state violations or complicity. Through doctrinal legal analysis and comparative case studies, this article has argued that while the Court's victim requirement has ensured judicial economy, the court has struggled to adapt to the realities of modern governance, where responsibility for rights violations is diffused and institutionalized. This conclusion has advocated for procedural reforms – including a broader interpretation of "victim" and increased recognition of shared responsibility – to bring the Convention system into line with the complexities of 21st century human rights challenges.

Abstract The Indo-Pacific region has become the main focus of discussions and attention in the international system due to China's increased military presence over the past decade. By taking advantage of its economic capabilities, China has sought to expand its political and military influence in this region in order to define and secure its national interests more broadly within the framework of hegemonic competition with the United States. The continuation of this trend has raised serious and growing concerns, especially among countries in the region, including Australia. Australia, as a regional power, strategic ally of the United States, and traditional player in the Pacific, is facing complex and multifaceted challenges in the areas of defense and security in the wake of China's escalating military interventions and presence. Therefore, the main question of the present research is: What impact has Beijing's increased military presence in the Indo-Pacific region had on Australia's security strategy from 2021 to 2024? The research findings show that Beijing's increased military presence in the Indo-Pacific region from 2021 to 2024 has, on the one hand, led to and exacerbated distrust and ambiguity in the Australian government's assessment of China's intentions, and on the other hand, has paved the way for a fundamental revision of Australia's security strategy, in the form of developing a comprehensive security approach to strengthen and maximize Australia's relative power in the region. This research uses a qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach.

Abstract Somalia’s strategic location has given it a vital geopolitical position in the region, bridging the sea routes between Africa and West Asia. This position has given Somalia a special significance in the foreign policy of the UAE and Saudi Arabia. An examination of the UAE’s and Saudi Arabia’s interests in Somalia reveals a complex interplay of geopolitical strategies, economic investments, security concerns, and regional rivalries. This analysis is essential not only to understand the motivations behind the Gulf states’ actions, but also to predict their long-term impact on stability and development in the Horn of Africa. This research seeks to answer the question of why (or for what purpose) Saudi Arabia and the UAE are undertaking a wide range of actions in Somalia in the political, security-military, economic, and cultural spheres. In response to this hypothesis, it is tested that: All the actions of Saudi Arabia and the UAE in the four areas mentioned are ultimately aimed at maintaining the political system in Somalia, which leads to the establishment and promotion of peace and stability in the region and ultimately focuses on sustainable development. In other words, maintaining the political system helps to establish peace and stability in the region, which ultimately acts as a basis for sustainable development, and these three goals create a virtuous cycle that continuously reinforces each other. The method used in this research is a comparative study of the actions and goals of Saudi Arabia and the UAE in relation to Somalia.

Abstract The geo-economic and geo-strategic importance of international straits has made world powers such as China consider it inevitable to try to gain some influence in such vital arteries. The current research, using a qualitative method with a document analysis approach, is trying to answer the question, what is the position of the Bab al-Mandab Strait in the strategic view of China? From an economic point of view, this strait is the main link between East Asia and the Horn of Africa, the Suez Canal, the Mediterranean and finally European countries. The lack of access to the strait is a challenge and obstacle on the way to the new Silk Road; Because both the long-term plan of this country for economic influence in the African continent through the horn of this region will face problems and also because focusing on the alternative route, i.e. the Cape of Good Hope, multiplies the distance and cost of reaching the European continent. . From a political point of view, the presence in Bab al-Mandab is related to China's effort and stable competition against the United States in the vicinity of the strait and the possibility of Washington threatening this country's interests in the future. The result is that China's hardware or military plans and software and development-oriented efforts in the two countries adjacent to Bab-al-Mandeb, namely Djibouti, focusing on the development of the multi-purpose economic and military port of Durala, and Yemen, focusing on strengthening the infrastructure of Aden ports. , Al-Makha and trying to penetrate Prim Island on the one hand and avoiding entering into regional crises on the other hand, can be evaluated in order to guarantee and consolidate economic and political goals.

Abstract Since the early 1990s, China has moved its energy supply to develop and expand cooperation with countries in the MENA region. The country also intensified its cooperation with the countries of the MENA region in 2004 by establishing the Arab-Chinese Cooperation Forum. China's economic presence in the MENA region is growing. The main question of the article is how will the Chinese military-security presence in the MENA region increase? The paper hypothesizes that China's growing economic presence and investment require a military presence to secure it. Findings show that increasing China's interests in the MENA region (maintaining energy security, protecting half a million citizens and investment companies) will be the main reason for the increase in China's security-military presence and influence in the MENA region. By applying the theory of realism and descriptive-analytical method, the relevant issues will be tried and examined. The documentary method will also be the basis for collecting material in this article.

Abstract This study aims to identify the necessary conditions for the optimal foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in response to the normalization process between Arab countries and the Zionist regime, focusing on the period following the Abraham Accords. The main research question is: What scenarios can the Islamic Republic of Iran consider in its foreign policy when confronted with emerging regional coalitions that construct Iran as a common threat? This question gains significance within the context of regional geopolitical changes and the formation of new alliances based on the construction of Iran as a shared threat. To investigate this issue, the Delphi method was initially used to identify key influencing variables through expert opinions, followed by exploratory factor analysis to extract potential scenarios. Accordingly, this study is exploratory rather than hypothesis-testing. The statistical population consists of 20 academic experts specialized in Middle Eastern studies and experienced managers from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, selected through purposive sampling. The analysis identified five scenarios for Iran’s foreign policy outlook under these conditions. The first, the "Strategic Deadlock" scenario, represents an undesirable outcome characterized by Iran’s passivity and increased regional isolation. Conversely, four scenarios—"Balanced Diplomacy," "Endogenous Power," "Soft Influence," and "Active Deterrence"—are proposed as favorable foreign policy options to improve Iran’s position in the face of normalization. These scenarios examine the conditions for realization, requirements, opportunities, and threats for each pathway, providing a basis for strategic decision-making grounded in futures studies within Iran’s foreign policy.

Abstract Nation branding constitutes an integral part of the commercialization of culture and society. Historically, states have endeavored to enhance their global image through symbols, traditions, arts, music, history, cultural heritage, tourism, and festivals—given that a nation’s brand (a distinctive identity coupled with a positive image and reputation) is pivotal to its geopolitical functionality. Currently, international public opinion perceives Iran through a dualistic lens: a negative framing (as a purported threat to global security) juxtaposed with a positive narrative (as the world’s oldest continuous civilization with millennia of heritage). This paper examines the role of archaeology—as both a methodological tool and an academic discipline for reconstructing past human cultures—in rebranding Iran as humanity’s primordial nation-state.
The analysis suggests that institutional consensus among governing bodies to allocate strategic resources (legislative frameworks, institutional infrastructure, budgetary prioritization, and specialized human capital development) toward areas of comparative civilizational advantage (historical, cultural, and archaeological capital) has been instrumental in crystallizing Iran’s brand identity as an ancient civilization with an unbroken historical lineage spanning thousands of years.

Abstract This article aims to re-think the main arguments on Russian Middle East policy. According to the mainstream views, the West plays a pivotal role in shaping Russia's Middle East policy, and Moscow's presence in the Middle East has largely been interlinked to Russia’s changing relations with the United States. Not having considering the international dynamics and complexities of the changing Middle East geopolitics, these contributions continue to argue that Russian Middle East presence is highly intended to challenge the United States and revive the Soviet’s sphere of influence throughout the region. In contrast, this paper offers a multidimensional and multivariable contribution, emphasizes on the regionalization of politics and security in the Middle East and the growing role of regional actors and emerging dynamics that inevitably lead to different options, interests and concerns which necessitates the engagement of great powers, especially Russia. According to regionalization of great powers engagement, Russia's Middle East policy and its increasing intervention in regional developments are influenced by political, security and economic dynamics within the Middle East that has increasingly become the driving force behind a variety of opportunities and threats such as terrorism, energy, arms sales, and foreign relations with the regional states. For Russia, this strong presence in the Middle East does not necessarily mean a return to the revisionist and hegemonic policy of Soviet engagement in the cold war era.

Abstract Cryptocurrencies have rapidly gained popularity in Iran due to growing public interest and technological advances. Yet, the country lacks a coherent and structured regulatory framework to govern this dynamic sector. This study analyzes Iran’s cryptocurrency policy using the public policy cycle model, including agenda setting, formulation, decision-making, implementation, and evaluation. It aims to identify the philosophical and doctrinal underpinnings of Iran's regulatory approach.Applying a documentary-institutional method and a mixed-methods strategy, the research integrates qualitative content analysis with quantitative trend observation. Findings reveal a fragmented and reactive policy environment, with government interventions lacking strategic coherence. This has led to uncertainty among users, investors, and market actors. The study highlights institutional pluralism as a key challenge: various state bodies—such as the Central Bank, Ministry of ICT, and Supreme Council of Cyberspace—hold conflicting views, resulting in overlapping responsibilities and implementation inefficiencies. In contrast, non-governmental actors—tech startups, researchers, and informal users—have played an increasingly active role in shaping real-world outcomes, underscoring the significance of bottom-up innovation in tech policy. Current policies neither effectively manage risks such as money laundering and capital flight nor capitalize on the innovative potential of cryptocurrencies. To address this gap, the study proposes a comprehensive, context-sensitive framework including: a central regulatory authority, a national strategy, inclusive stakeholder participation, institutional capacity-building, and regular evaluation. The research concludes by emphasizing the need for a clear philosophical orientation—whether security-driven, market-based, or a balanced hybrid—that aligns with Iran’s socio-political context. It offers both theoretical insight and practical guidance for enhancing the governance of emerging financial technologies in Iran, contributing to broader global debates on digital currency regulation

Abstract This paper tends to investigate new geopolitical and geo-economic dynamics of the South Caucasus based on the second Karabakh War and the Russia-Ukraine War (2022) with a focus on the Zangzor Corridor project. The importance of the research lies in the fact that so far most of the research conducted in this field has been examined based on the classical theories of international relations literature. However, with the intensification of the war between Russia and Ukraine (2022) more attention is paid to alternative and safe routes, including alternative transit routes in the South Caucasus due to its intermediate position in the neighboring regional systems. Accordingly, the main question the paper tries to answer based on the analytical model of Multiplex Networked Regionalism is what the effect of the Multiplex Networked Regionalism of Russia and Turkey is on the Zangzor Corridor project. The main dissertation is that Multiplex Networked Regionalism of Russia and Turkey due to the interference of their regional policies in the South Caucasus and the formation of complementary behavioral patterns with partners and a strategic alternative for competitors can better meet the existing realities and explain the behavior patterns of the two actors in a structured and multifaceted manner.

Abstract The relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia underwent fundamental changes after the Islamic Revolution, and since then,they have been regulated by successive tensions and crises, and have rarely been normal. The geostrategic, geopolitical, geoeconomic and geocultural positions of the two countries have made their relations very important for the region and the world, therefore,many researchers have focused on the relations between the two countries. But the thing to consider is that the vast majority of these researchers, both domestic and foreign,have analyzed the ups and downs relations between the two countries from the perspective of realism and considered the crisis and reoccurrence of crisis in their relations as a function of the principles and assumptions of realism and have analyzed. While the national interests and foreign policy and consequently the conflicts and crises of the two countries are the product of deep social and identity structures,and incidentally,the assumptions of realism are also understood based on the conflicting social and identity elements of the two countries. This research, with a side view of social construction and constructivism,is a conflict reading on the application of realism in their relationships. Therefore, the main question of this research is,is the paradigm of realism capable of explaining the successive crises in the relations between the two countries? The research data has seriously challenged the application of realism theory and questioned its jurisdiction. Analytical and descriptive method is used in this research and the method of data collection is documentary and library.

Abstract Justice and Development Party's Given the geopolitical situation, Territorial geography Connecting to Europe and proximity to Russia and the Middle East On the one hand, and exploiting ideological issues, And historical and cultural commonalities on the other, Foreign policy development is pursued aimed at achieving regional hegemony, Access to energy resources and takeover of Middle Eastern markets, Which challenged both the existing order in the region and relations with Iran, So this article is trying to investigate AKP policies and their effects on Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy in the Middle East?
This article has covered with a descriptive-analytical approach and using library and documentary information to investigate AKP foreign policy in the region. Research data show That the AKP is trying to do Emphasizing on ideological issues and taking advantage of the role of religion in expanding its influence in the peripheral areas, And on the other hand, it seeks to increase its relative power and increase its acting power in the Middle East Emphasizing structural and geopolitical features, That creates a kind of competition and conflict while working with the Islamic Republic of Iran And direct and indirect effects Both structurally and identically It has influence on Iran and its spheres of influence in the region.

Abstract This research investigates why Marxist discourse found a foothold in Afghanistan by analyzing the concepts of power, ideology, and resistance within a theoretical framework. It examines the political, social, and ideological factors that led to the spread of Marxism in Afghanistan during the 1970s and after 1250 (Afghan calendar). Relying on a descriptive-analytical method and drawing from written sources and available documents, the research seeks to uncover the process by which leftist thought entered Afghanistan and became influential, particularly during the Cold War era. It also addresses the structural and social reactions of Afghan society to this phenomenon. The findings show that three main groups played pivotal roles in this process: First, intellectuals and thinkers influenced by the Soviet Union's ideological bloc who attempted to transfer Marxist ideologies into the country. Second, the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), which became the primary political vehicle for Marxist ideologies and played a significant role in shaping Afghanistan's political structure. Third, cultural and media institutions that worked to promote leftist ideas among the general public. Despite this, the Marxist power structure was ultimately unsuccessful due to dependency, internal contradictions, incompatibility with Afghanistan’s social structures, and widespread resistance among the people. Afghan society could not transform into a Marxist entity. This study concludes that the failure of Marxism in Afghanistan lies in its lack of social and cultural legitimacy, and the internal contradictions of the ideological, governmental, and social structures.

Abstract The Zange Zor Corridor is a strategic, political and economic corridor that the Republic of Azerbaijan proposed after the Second Karabakh War in 2020.Analyzing the impact of creating this corridor on the political and economic security of the Islamic Republic of Iran is the main goal of this research. The main question of the research is what effect the creation of Zange Zor Corridor has on the political and economic security and national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. To answer the research question, the hypothesis can be explained in this way that the creation of Zange Zor Corridor, followed by geopolitical and geo-economics changes that can be accompanied by challenges and opportunities for the Islamic Republic of Iran; But it seems that its security challenges are far more than its opportunities,. To better explain this article and equip it with a coherent framework among theories, the theory of the Copenhagen school was used and it was tried to analyze and evaluate the impact of Zange Zor Corridor on the security and national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran by using different aspects of this theory, especially in two political and economic dimensions. This research is of a descriptive-analytical type and library sources and internet scanning have been used to collect data.

Abstract Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP) is one of the largest dams in the whole world, located in Turkish Kurdistan.Delphi method andBarryBuzan’s regional security complex theorywere used as our research methods. The question we’re addressing in this study is “what are the implications of GAP for Kurds' political participationand Turkey’s national identity?”Based on the research hypothesis, the answer to the research question is that GAP can improve Kurds’ political participation, reduce PKK activities, and change the military nature of Kurds’ attempts to political ones. But GAP won’t lead to a common national identity in Turkey. Delphi results with 60% of the vote suggested that GAP has no impact on PKK activities and it hasn’t improved the political participation of Kurds.Delphi results with 73% of the vote indicated the negative effects of GAP on Kurdish identity. Also, Delphi's results with 82% of the vote showed that GAP didn’t lead to a common national identity in Turkey. GAP had not any significant effect on PKK activities and Kurds’ political participation, and these are affected by other parameters. GAP has adverse consequences for Kurdish identity including the destruction of Kurdish antiquities which are a part of their identity. The identity crisis in Turkey is the result of the denial of Kurdish identity by the Turkish government and acts of violence, lack of racial, cultural, historical, and linguistic affinity of the Kurds with the Turks, and the forced inclusion of the Kurds within the political borders of Turkey. Therefore, due to the suppressive attitude of the Turkish government toward Kurdish regions, approaches such as assimilation and projects like GAP will not yield a common national identity in the country.

Abstract Human rights violations in the Islamic Republic of Iran are one of Iran's main challenges to the international system, and a wide range of human rights issues have been raised in the form of Special Rapporteurs' reports, UN Secretary-General's reports, and UN General Assembly resolutions. Therefore, considering the dominance of neoliberal institutionalism logic over the existing world order, and the central position of the United Nations in the established order, this study uses the method of documentary review, examines human rights claims against the Islamic Republic of Iran and proposes possible scenarios and operational strategies. To overcome the challenge situation, it deals with three levels: short-term, medium-term and long-term. The findings of this study indicate that although some aspects and contexts of the challenge are rooted in discourse elements as well as different metaphorical language of Iranian human rights discourse and the international system, however, there are several ways to minimize human rights tensions between Iran. And there is an international system and while preserving Islamic and Iranian values in the field of human rights, it is possible to prevent human rights claims and create international challenges for the country

Abstract The Iran-Iraq war, which Tooke place at one of the most critical moments in history, during the Cold War, provoked various reactions from political actors, especially the neighbors of the two countries and the Arab countries. Given the importance and geopolitical conditions of Syria for the warring parties, its position in this war has been geopolitically explained as the research issue of this study. For this research, data were collected using the library method. Data analysis is descriptive-analytical methods based on analysis tools adapted from geopolitical science. The findings of the study indicate that Syria, although it has always had tacit support for Iran since the Islamic Revolution, but different geopolitical conditions, especially the field conditions of the war have led to three different types of behavior during the war. The different stances of each period have provided special geopolitical opportunities and challenges for the warring parties and Syria itself, thus affecting the geopolitical balance of the war by creating different geopolitical consequences. Syria Not only did not take a stand solely on the basis of its ideological commonalities during the ideological period of Cold War, but it also took full advantage of the geo-economic opportunities of the war. On the other hand, Syria's deep support for Iran in the second phase of the war led to the formation of the axis of resistance centered on the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is one of the most important pillars of maintaining Bashar al-Assad's power in Syria today.

Abstract In recent years, the accelerated production of SHELL Oil has led to US Oil Independency alongside with fundamental changes in the oil market (acceleration in Oil supply and Constant decline of prices). But this oil independence has also led to fundamental changes in the US political and security perspective toward of oil-rich countries. Exerting maximum pressure for removing Iranian and Venezuelan oil from world markets is a clear indication of this change in US policy. The adherence of other countries (oil producers and consumers) with the United States also indicates the stability of US hegemony in the international arena. Therefore, by stating the conditions of the crude oil market, we provide an overview of the current situation of the crude oil market which indicates the existence of surplus oil for a long period time which reduces the probability of supply shocks in the oil market. On the other hand, by expressing the American hegemony from various aspects, we conclude that by using its power, the United States can impose its policies on the oil market without fearing the oil supply disruptions, and seize part of the market of oil rich countries. In the following, we introduce an index (which indicates the degree of political and economic alignment of oil-producing countries with the United States policies) in order to examine the US economic and political relations with oil-producing countries, and based on this index we introduce Russia as the next potential target for the United States at the oil market. Finally, by designing a dynamic game with complete information, we examine the choices of Iran and the United States for removing Iran from the oil market and then we evaluate the current strategy of Iran and the United States (which has led to elimination of Iran from the oil market) and the consequences of each action (US) and reactions (Iran) during this Oil game (war) in short-term, medium-term and long-term periods.

Abstract Through his expeditions in Central Asia, Zhang Qian obtained information that made China realize it could enhance its overall political, economic, and military conditions by exerting influence in Central Asia—and even make the establishment of a direct connection to Rome possible. This study, which takes as its central question the reasons behind China’s turn toward Central Asia both in ancient history, with Zhang Qian’s travels, and in contemporary times, with the Belt and Road Initiative, adopts a comparative approach and argues that the Belt and Road Initiative is a project rooted in China’s historical foundations that pursues dominance over the world’s land and seas. Accordingly, in the terrestrial segment of this initiative, China has once again turned its attention to Central Asia, maintaining the aforementioned components in line with its interests, and now seeks—on a more evolved level—to utilize Central Asia as a secure zone to support its global influence.