Iranian Research letter of International Politics

Abstract This article examines the impact of China’s mediation between Iran and Saudi Arabia on the redefinition of Riyadh’s stance toward the new talks between Iran and the United States. The primary research question addresses how China’s mediation between Iran and Saudi Arabia influences Riyadh’s position regarding these renewed Iran-US dialogues. Grounded in the theoretical framework of constructivism and employing a qualitative descriptive-analytical methodology, the central hypothesis posits that China’s 2023 mediation—as a non-Western power utilizing economic and security tools—has facilitated Saudi Arabia’s identity shift from one of “absolute hostility” to “conditional rivalry” with Iran. This transition has redefined the traditional pattern of confrontation between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the Middle East and brought about a significant change in Riyadh’s approach toward the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action). The findings indicate that China’s role has not only transformed Middle Eastern security dynamics but also reshaped traditional identity patterns in the bilateral relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia, contributing to a reduction in direct tensions between the two countries. This transformation suggests that the moderation of confrontational strategies between Iran and Saudi Arabia has created greater flexibility for Riyadh in its approach to the new Iran-US talks.

Abstract In terms of geopolitics, ecological regions do not correspond much with international borders, and this causes a series of discontinuities between environment and political bordering. Therefore, dealing with ecological destruction requires national cooperation and other geopolitical fields. Many geopolitical boundaries also include natural features as part of their overall organization. The turn towards securing borders, especially in the post-9/11 global era, has created priorities for specific types of border construction and border management practices and it has brought devastating ecological effects in both fields. In most cases, political borders do not have much compatibility with natural ecosystems and usually cause the cutting of natural habitats and create gaps in their integrity and disrupt the natural ecosystem of the region. Until a few decades ago, political demarcation had less effects on the ecosystems because the markings were usually done by border pillars and did not create an obstacle for the people living in the border areas. But especially since two decades ago, due to the rule of security discourse in the border areas and turning the border into a point of confrontation with smuggling, illegal immigrants and undesirable elements, we are witnessing a strong strengthening of the border infrastructure. These infrastructures are generally built in the form of walls and electric and steel fences. As a result, the integrated connection of the ecosystems has become disjointed and split. A large part of the natural environment around these border infrastructures has been disrupted, and this requires a review and finding a solution to deal with this security situation. The argument of this research is that bioregionalism can provide a suitable platform for facing the environmental challenges of the 21st century. Therefore, the current research seeks to find an answer to the question of whether bioregionalism can be the basis for regional cooperation based on environmental issues or not. And what challenges are there in the field of bioregionalism? The findings of the research show that bioregionalism can be achieved by two methods: top-down (government-based) and bottom-up (people-based) and with emphasizing border protected areas. The most important challenge facing bioregionalism is the predominance of realist and neo-realist approaches in international relations.

Abstract Combined war is known as one of the newest methods of fighting in the current era in the conflicts of countries. Non-linear, insurgency-oriented or limited war is one of the titles used for it. In the war between Russia and Ukraine, which includes military, cyber, intelligence, etc. dimensions, the use of combined warfare has been prioritized by both countries. Russia, as a great power, has started a conflict with a country that is not very prominent in wars, which has not achieved some goals in addition to its progress. Western aid to Ukraine, the formation of operational cyber war units, information war, influence, etc. are all concepts that play a role in this. The current research will answer a question with this theme: How effective was the process of actions, the extent of Russia's power and its progress in the combined war against Ukraine? The hypothesis has been expressed as an answer to it, factors such as weak military planning, low combat readiness, Western aid in various offensive, defensive and cyber fields, infiltration of the warring forces such as the Wagner group, are among the factors. which have caused the erosion of the Russian army in the Ukraine war, and along with the progress, they have also caused setbacks for Russia. Qualitative-analytical method, based on library documents and international scientific journals, is the method used in writing this research. Finally, the findings of the project stated that due to some miscalculations, Russia is involved in a war of attrition, which will sink into its swamp if there is no reasonable and acceptable solution.

Abstract The concept of the "Asian Century" is significant in international analyses, signifying fundamental transformations in the East across political and economic dimensions. China is recognized as the most prominent emerging power in the region due to its policies and developments on a global scale, which have profound impacts on other Asian countries and global trends. In this context, the "Look to the East" approach in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran emphasizes cooperation with major Eastern powers while adhering to the principle of neither East nor West. This study explores how Iran can harness China's capabilities to achieve its national goals. The research hypothesis posits that China's economic, geopolitical, and military strength as a major Asian power can create significant opportunities for non-Western nations and regional actors like Iran. This can be realized through political and diplomatic support and enhanced cooperation in economic and technological spheres. The research employs a descriptive-analytical method, concluding that Iran's "Look to the East" approach seeks to leverage multilateralism and strengthen collaboration with countries like China in response to Western sanctions.

Abstract The British government decided to leave the European Union during a historic referendum known as Brexit after more than four decades. Therefore, the reasons for the departure of one of the most important and influential members of the European Union and the reason for the divergence in the largest and most successful example of regional convergence in history are investigated. International relations are very important. In the same way, the upcoming research to explain this emerging event seeks to answer the question, what factors caused Britain to leave the European Union? The present research, using the descriptive-analytical method and from the perspective of neo-realism, is based on the hypothesis that due to the transnational nature of the political and economic mechanism governing the European Union, Britain, due to the lack of trust resulting from the anarchy prevailing in the international system, in order to maintain its national sovereignty against interdependence and also obtaining maximum benefits in comparison of relative and absolute benefits, it left the European Union.According to the theoretical framework of the system-oriented research, Brexit is rooted in factors that are the result of mistrust resulting from the anarchic system. So that the United Kingdom, in order to maintain its national sovereignty against the interdependence resulting from the political and economic mechanism of the European Union, as well as the comparison of benefits In order to obtain maximum benefits, as a wise actor with a cost-benefit approach, he left the European Union. Based on the results obtained, Britain's exit from the European Union will increase economic growth and greater freedom of action for this country. has brought the international arena.

Abstract One of the prominent axes of the Raisi administration's foreign policy is the pursuit of looking east approach. Both the president and other Iranian officials have continuously emphasized the importance of these relations and their expansion. The government's will to develop relations with China and Russia arises this question: which factors were effective in choosing the policy of looking east by the Raisi administration? The hypothesis of the research considers the Iranian president's belonging to the fundamentalist faction and systemic support for him to be effective in pursuing the approach of looking to the east. To answer the main question, coherence theory of James Rosenau and the causal method have been used. Also, research data were collected through a library method. The findings of the research showed that the approach of looking to the east was a choice by the Raisi administration and it’s not a coercion arising from the international system. The belonging of Ebrahim Raisi and his cabinet members to the fundamentalist faction, the preference of this faction to develop relations with the East and highlight the conflict with the West, systemic support of the looking to the East approach, and the presentation of Raisi as a revolutionary person, supporter of Islamic norms, a supporter of Velayat al-Faqih and an anti-Western president by advocators have been effective in the formation of this foreign policy.

Abstract Digital diplomacy, as a contemporary form of diplomacy, leverages communication technologies to simultaneously enhance cultural diplomacy and soft power. By facilitating the flow of information and international interactions, this approach not only expands the scope of public diplomacy but also creates opportunities for the exchange of cultural values and increases the appeal of foreign policies through digital tools. In essence, digital diplomacy, by combining the functions of soft power and media capabilities, has become an effective instrument in advancing diplomatic objectives.

The central question of this research is: How does digital diplomacy, through components such as cultural diplomacy and soft power, influence the development of Iran's international relations at the transregional level? To answer this question, the study employs a meta-synthesis method to analyze and synthesize findings from various studies.

The findings indicate that in the digital age, mass media and cyberspace serve as platforms for showcasing soft power and effectively disseminating cultural diplomacy. Increased cultural interactions through social networks and digital platforms not only enhance a nation's image but also serve as a strategic tool for influencing global public opinion and strengthening international standing. Furthermore, this research highlights the pivotal role of cultural diplomacy in shaping transregional relations and the application of soft power in attracting international audiences.

Abstract One of the most prominent challenges in explaining the units power taking in the current turbulent world is the fluidization of the global strategic environment, the rapid rate of changes and increasing complexity in the international system, the change in order structures from simple and classic systems to complex and chaotic systems. In these systems, emerging trends and realities and power campaigns have brought out heterogeneity and imbalance in the geopolitics of power and order structures in a very prominent way and turned the processing and reproduction of power into a systemic and network phenomenon. The basic question of this article is: "What is the geopolitical role of the basic network in the empowerment of actors, including Iran, and how is it explained?". In response to this question, this hypothesis is proposed that: "the empowerment of actors, including the Islamic Republic of Iran, in a causal chain in local, regional and global cycles (integration of levels) and different subject areas (intertwining and integration of sectors) based on Network rules and geopolitic networking are done. In this regard, based on the ontological and epistemological foundations of the theory of complexity and chaos and the theoretical propositions contained in it, a new model in finding the power of units is formed under the title of network-hybrid geopolitics. In this framework, the most prominent finding of the research can be conceptualized by using the abductive method approach in presenting a new model of network power arising from networking and geopolitical networking

Abstract International criminal policy reflects the strategies adopted on the international stage to address crimes against humanity. This policy, encompassing legislative, judicial, and executive realms, is not immune to criticism and errors. Considering Israel's crimes and aggressions in Palestinian territories generally, and the Gaza Strip specifically, the necessity of adopting appropriate international measures against these actions is undeniable. However, and especially with the continued aggressions and crimes of Israel, the ineffectiveness of these measures is felt. Therefore, a critical examination of international criminal policies and an explanation of their shortcomings becomes necessary. This paper is written using a descriptive-analytical method, library research, and referencing relevant documents. The central question of the article is: How is international criminal policy assessed concerning Israel's crimes in Palestine and Gaza? The findings indicate that the current international legislative, judicial, and executive criminal policy faces fundamental shortcomings in achieving justice and ending the long-standing conflict. The legislative criminal policy has weaknesses in drafting appropriate regulations, including criminalization or punishment, regarding such crimes. In terms of judicial criminal policy, the International Criminal Court's Prosecutor has taken a cautious approach to downplaying Israel's crimes. Furthermore, experts with nationalities from adversarial states have been selected to investigate incidents, which undermines the principle of universality and impartiality of this policy. The executive criminal policy also suffers from weaknesses in reflecting and reporting such crimes and utilizing popular capacities to alleviate the pain and suffering of the affected people of Palestine. Accordingly, legislative, judicial, and executive solutions are proposed.

Abstract Theoretical predictions, international procedures and empirical proofs and evidences reveal a deep and fast transition in international system wherein emerging global powers and regional complexes are challenging the classic structure of power. The convergence of China-Iran powers can be explained in this framework. Inadequate perception of this relation in national and international levels and the overemphasis of previous studies on the variables of United States as well as some methodological and epistemological deficiencies has prevented a compressive analysis of this relation. Thus, the current research has employed role theory in international relations and used a mixed method of phenomenographic and analysis of crossed-impacts through elite and software validation to bring about a valid interpretation of Chinese approach toward Iran. It was revealed that the Beijing’s approach is consisted of two structural (containing 10 variables) and ideational (containing 5 variables) dimensions that result in creation of “Great Power-Middle Power” and “Assisting Stakeholder” roles. It was also found that the system of the relationship between the two countries is stable, without risk variables and difficult to change.

Abstract Although the war in Ukraine is geopolitically considered a European war, in practice it is a conflict of world powers that are centered around the predicted collapse of American global hegemony and clearly want a new order. In such a situation, Russia's attitude, behavior and performance towards Ukraine can have important consequences for the future of the world order. Therefore, the main goal of the following article is the geopolitical requirements of the new world order for Russia with regard to the war in Ukraine, so the main question arises as follows: what is the logic of the strategy of Russia under the leadership of Vladimir Putin regarding the crisis in Ukraine. does In response to the mentioned question, the article argues by using geopolitical theories that Russia's rationale for interfering in the Ukraine crisis is to seek a share in the future of the world order as a global power, which of course should be noted that Russia has a special role in this crisis. It has shown that these issues are important from different dimensions, and one of the most important aspects of this issue in the short term is related to Moscow's geopolitical interests in the Ukraine crisis, which has not been addressed much in past researches. The findings of the following article show that the war in Ukraine as a geopolitical trigger has influenced the international order and there is a possibility that the post-war Ukraine promises a new order in the world. This research is based on the descriptive-analytical approach using the method of research process and sample research as qualitative research methods, which have been used in collecting information from documentary-library sources and reliable cyberspace websites.

Abstract Entering the 21st century, Iran and India significantly expanded their political, economic, military, and energy relations, culminating in the signing of a strategic partnership agreement in 2003. Despite challenges posed by Iran's nuclear ambitions and the nuclear agreement between India and the United States, the two countries maintained strong ties in security, economy, and energy until 2014. With the inauguration of the Narendra Modi administration in 2014, India’s "Look West policy" evolved into the "Act West Policy", reflecting a more dynamic approach to its foreign relations in the West Asian region. Given this shift in India’s foreign policy, it becomes essential to investigate what changes have occurred in India's approach towards Iran between 2014 and 2024. Using the Balance of Interests theory, this study hypothesizes that the most significant development in India’s foreign policy towards Iran during this period is the diminishing strategic importance of Iran for India. This shift is attributed to diverging interests, primarily driven by India's growing ties with Iran's regional competitors, including its cooperation with U.S. sanctions against Iran, a revised stance on terrorism in West Asia, efforts to bypass Iran through the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEEC), and its participation in the West Asian Quad (I2U2). The findings reveal that India has moved away from a balanced approach in its relations with Iran and its regional rivals. The research employs The hypothetico-deductive method for analysis and the data-gathering procedure is based on library findings.

Abstract Today, liberal democracy has faced challenges including populism. As a populist person or party comes to power, a populist foreign policy with special characteristics in any country, including the United States, emerges. Within this context, Trump had deep impact on the country's foreign policy with his populist slogan, like "America First", his nationalist populism approach, and a conflict between the structure and the agent arose. From this perspective, the main question of this research is how Trump made the American establishment as the Other for its populist foreign policy. The hypothesis of this research is that Trump made the establishment as a major Other to his populist foreign policy through the creation of a bipolar atmosphere and confrontation between the structure and the agent, and the unfavorable conditions of the structure and the existing status of the liberal international order. The paper explains how Trump made the establishment as a sublime Other of his foreign policy by using the paradigm of neoclassical realism, the process tracing method, and by referring to sources and written documents about populism and American foreign policy in the Trump era.

Abstract The emergence and strengthening of China in the global and regional arena has led to the sensitivity of the United States and its liberal partners by planning security and economic initiatives to contain Beijing. QUAD, AUKUS, Decoupling from China and containment China with the help of partners are among these initiatives. In continuation of their plans and initiatives, NATO, as a security-military arm, has also increased its focus on China and has prepared plans and measures that have resulted in the reaction of the Chinese authorities and show the more effective presence of this actor in the Indo-Pacific Ocean. The purpose of this article is to explain NATO's strategy toward China, and in an analytical-explanatory way, it answers the question of how NATO is trying to expand its influence in the Indo-Pacific region to contain China? In response, it is assumed that NATO, by changing the concept of strategy and increasing its focus on China, seeks to strengthen ties with liberal partners and build a consensus among them to contain China in the Indo-Pacific. The results show that NATO documents and NATO members have increased the focus on the Indo-Pacific region, especially China, cooperation formats and practical measures with liberal partners (Japan, South Korea, India, Australia and New Zealand) in It is being implemented.

Abstract Crises and their control have always been the main problem of countries and international actors in the field of foreign policy, and over the years, various methods have been used to control international crises. Today, one of the most innovative ways to control international crises is to use scientific diplomacy. In this regard, the present study sought to answer the question: What role did scientific diplomacy play in controlling the crisis resulting from the Iranian nuclear issue and the tension with the United States? Using the theoretical framework of soft power, this hypothesis has been proposed that scientific diplomacy can help control this crisis by using the work of desensitizing political-security relations, creating opportunities for the role of scientific and academic elites, and addressing social reference groups based on specialized needs. The research findings show that scientific diplomacy will provide the possibility of interaction between multiple actors. In the course of the Iranian nuclear case, scientific diplomacy can prevent this issue from becoming a security issue and make its political aspects more prominent than its security dimension. In this article, a descriptive-analytical method and library and internet tools have been used to collect information.

Abstract In armed conflicts, some people always participate in conflicts for various reasons; if the motivation of these people is not material gain, such people are called warriors. The presence of foreign fighters in armed conflicts has effects and consequences such as destabilizing governments, spreading terrorism and arms smuggling. This research was compiled with the aim of investigating the international responsibility of governments in dealing with foreign fighters using a descriptive and analytical method and using library resources. The findings indicate that various conventions have been approved to fight foreign fighters and prevent terrorism, and to confront governments with foreign fighters and their destructive actions. The Fifth Hague Convention of 1907 and the Convention on Combating the Financing of Terrorism of 1999 and Resolution 2178 and Binding Resolution No. 1373 dated September 28, 2001 of the Security Council and the International Government Responsibility Plan, Article 34 and Article 31, Paragraph 2, the injured state is required to compensate both material losses and are spiritual and according to international obligations, especially the Vienna Conventions 7927 and 7921 and the September 8, 1923 Convention, governments are responsible not only for actions but also for omissions. Therefore, the research results show that the fighters are not responsible for their actions. International law requires states to respect the legal and legal interests of other states. Otherwise, the offending governments are responsible for not maintaining international security, and in case of damage to other governments or citizens of those countries, they are required to compensate for the damage.

Abstract From the end of the Cold War until today, it has always developed its relations with the two regions of the Persian Gulf and Central Asia. China's influence has changed the equation and has consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is one of the important regional powers. However, the foreign policy of both countries towards each other has not been uniform until today. Therefore, the main goal of this article is to answer this question: Why is the position of the Islamic Republic of Iran affected by China's foreign policy as an emerging superpower in the Persian Gulf and Central Asia, due to the entanglement of interests and also due to the existence of contradictions? The current article, using qualitative method and descriptive-analytical approach, analyzes its case study in the conceptual framework of pragmatism and through library and internet resources. According to the findings of the research, both Iran and China have asymmetric relations with each other, especially in Central Asia and the Persian Gulf, which can be understood through the pragmatism in the foreign policy of these two countries. However, their pragmatic approach is not necessarily the same

Abstract Obama era was full of ambiguity for the U.S allies and partners. That ambiguity was culminated by signature of JCPOA. When Trump came on power and changing of America approach to JCPOA, ultimately America withdrew from nuclear deal and new process was begun on cooperation among America and its allies and partners. Also Biden that declared to return to JCOPA, has continued Trump’s procedure. The main question is that: what approach has American Middle Eastern policy continued in Trump and Biden presidency? And hypothesis is that: In contrast to the Obama era, the American Middle East policy in the era of Trump and Biden, instead of delegating responsibility to regional allies and partners, has sought direct intervention to establish the balance of power and contain Iran. Research findings has shown despite Biden’s position based on return to JCPOA and negotiating with Iran his policy is continuing of the process that was started in Trump’s era. Containing previous pressures against Iran through non suspension sanctions and increasing pressures as imposing new sanctions and forming coalition all of them is shown to continue of the establish balance of power policy by direct intervention against Iranian hegemonic behavior. Research method is analytical-descriptive method and collect data and information library method has been used.

Abstract International relations theories can be divided into theories of foreign policy and international politics . Although there is a close relationship between the theories of foreign policy and international politics and these two are not separate, however, these two cannot be considered the same. Foreign policy theories seek to analyze, explain and predict the foreign behavior of governments and various factors influencing it, while international politics theories seek to explain what, how and the effects of interactions between governments in an environment called the international system. One of the most recent realist theories of foreign policy is the theory of neoclassical realism. This theory uses a combination of structural realism's macro view and classical realism's micro view.This theory uses a combination of the macro view of structural realism and the micro view of classical realism and considers foreign policy as a product of the interaction of structural and domestic factors. Emphasis on systemic limitations along with non-systemic selectors; The explanatory power of this theory has increased. Some thinkers (known as the third generation of neoclassical realism) have sought to rewrite and advance this theory as a theory of international politics.The question of this article is: neoclassical realism from the beginning of its emergence and expression as a theory complementary to structural realism, until recent years when it has been restructured as a new theory of international politics; What changes and transformations, in what dimensions, has it gone through?
The importance of this issue is especially due to the fact that this theory is less known in Iran, and it is known only as a foreign policy theory, while the scope of this theory is much wider. In this article, by describing the opinions of the main thinkers of neoclassical realism and with an explanatory-analytical method, this question will be answered: neoclassical realism from the beginning of its appearance as a complementary theory to structural realism, until recent years, when it has been restructured as a new theory of international politics; What changes and transformations has it gone through? The main hypothesis is that over time, neoclassical realism has moved towards eclectic, multi-level and interdisciplinary analysis and has moved away from the realist hard core. The research method is analytical-explanatory; with a theoretical approach.

Abstract Foreign policy as a field of study of international relations is usually analyzed from this point of view. However, with the entry of historical sociology into international relations and the multifactoring of events, analytics that considered the state as a general and integrated actor whose behavior is determined by systemic elements were doubted, because these theories did not explain the historical and complex trends that states act/react at the system. Historical sociology taking into account the changes and transformations in temporal, the impact/impression of trends on each other and with a comparative approach between states and societies has tried to detect the causes and being of phenomena at the level of the system, in addition, to Search articulation and interact between levels. In this sense, while considering the state as one of the main actors, it affects the analysis of its relations with society. Also, the historical sociology of foreign policy studies the causal narration of events with emphasis on history (analytical history, not traditional and narrative analysis), explaining the phenomena in a chain that has affected each other in the course of history and has impacted. In addition, this approach attention to the “transboundary” encounters that have generated and shaped theorizing. “Transboundary” (which is synonymous with "international"), means the histories that interconnect people across borders, whether those borders represent groups, States, and territories, empires or other entities. These Theories are not forged by individuals living within distinct and discrete "local" environments. Rather, the theory is forged through ongoing encounters between "here" and "there, "home" and "abroad," the "domestic" and the "foreign." Both social and political theories have international origins.

Abstract The right to freedom of assembly is one of the most important human rights and the components of political participation of citizens to achieve economic, social and cultural rights in a democratic government.
Human rights activists believe that the European Court of Human Rights has played an irreplaceable role in the gradual development of the conceptual and operational definition of rights.
In this Paper, the researchers are trying to examine the different opinions of the European Court of Human Rights regarding the right to freedom of assembly; examine the procedure of the judges of this court.

Therefore, the main question raised in this research is: "To what extent have the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights been effective in the development of the right to freedom of assembly?" And in the conclusion of this hypothesis of the authors, it has been confirmed that: "The European Court of Human Rights plays an influential role in the development of the right of associations, although gradually and slowly".
The achievement of the research is based on the spirit and meaning of the theory of "idea equal to the legal and judicial approach", based on this idea has focused that it is possible to achieve a "common definition" of human rights through the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights, and therefore has recommended to achieve it through the interpretations of the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights. This research is descriptive-analytical and follows a developmental goal.

Abstract Tourism has become one of the most important and influential sectors of the global economy, contributing significantly to economic growth, employment, foreign-exchange earnings, and international exchange. The Middle East, owing to its strategic geopolitical position and rich historical and cultural heritage, constitutes an important region in the global tourism system. Among the countries of the region, Turkey has long been one of the most prominent international tourism destinations. The tourism sector has also played a significant role in Turkey's economic development and integration into the global economy.
The main objective of this article is to examine the impact of the transformation of Islamist discourse on the tourism industry in Turkey, with particular emphasis on the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) era. The central argument is that the transformation of Islamist discourse during the AK Party's rule toward a hybrid discourse combining elements of Islamism, conservatism, democracy, and neoliberalism contributed to the creation of a new political, institutional, and normative environment for the development of tourism. The study draws theoretically and methodologically on the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe. The findings indicate that the rise of the AK Party and the transformation of Islamist discourse were accompanied by significant legal, institutional, normative, and policy changes in the tourism sector, which contributed to its expansion and diversification.

Abstract In today's complex world, the foreign policy of countries is significantly influenced by analyses, consultations, and proposals provided by various institutions. Think tanks, as entities focused on research and analysis of political and social issues, particularly in the Islamic Republic of Iran, investigate various subjects including foreign policy. Given these considerations, the main research question can be framed as: What role do think tanks play in shaping foreign policy in the Islamic Republic of Iran?The aim of this research is to evaluate the role and impact of think tanks on the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Considering the rapid developments and complexities of international relations, this study seeks to analyze the challenges and opportunities faced by think tanks and their capacity to influence the formulation of foreign policy decisions in the country. This research aims to test the hypothesis that structural, financial, and political issues may create limitations on the influence of think tanks.It is noteworthy that the research method employed in this paper is qualitative and inductive, moving from observations to reasoning. The tools for data collection include library and documentary studies, as well as structured and semi-structured interviews with academic, think-tank, and political elites.In conclusion, by analyzing the data, it has been found that think tanks in the Islamic Republic of Iran, as advisory and analytical entities, have not significantly impacted the decision-making processes of foreign policy. Challenges such as a lack of financial independence, restrictive regulations, insufficient interaction with governmental bodies, and increasing scientific weaknesses can lead to a reduction inth eir effectiveness

Abstract The purpose of this research is to present the structural-interpretative model of the Taliban in the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. The research method is quantitative-qualitative. In the qualitative part, in order to identify influential factors, the content analysis method, literature review, and exploratory interviews with 28 experts in the fields of political science, geopolitics, international relations, and regional studies were used. The non-random method with the snowball technique was used to select experts until reaching theoretical saturation. The statistical population in the quantitative part was 85 experts, researchers, and researchers who were estimated by simple random sampling. The Delphi method was used to screen and select the factors, and among the 17 identified factors, 15 elements were selected. Using exploratory factor analysis, the factors were determined in the form of the three main factors of the moderate Islamic state, the effort for ethnic unity in Afghanistan, and the strengthened social and popular base. Also, for leveling, the structural modeling-interpretive method has been used, which is placed in the first level - the moderate Islamic state, the second level is the effort for ethnic unity in Afghanistan, and the third level is the strengthening of the social and popular base. According to the graph of the power of influence and degree of dependence, all three factors were placed in the autonomous region, which has low power of influence and degree of dependence and will have little influence and permeability.

Abstract The present study aims to conduct a comparative study of the opportunities and threats of Indian and Russian economic projects in Central Asia for Iran. Therefore, using thematic analysis and thematic matrix method through indirect observation (text analysis), research data were collected through existing texts using a purposive sampling method and through thematic coding the themes of the opportunities and threats of Indian and Russian economic projects in Central Asia for Iran were identified and finally compared and analyzed in terms of similarities and differences. The findings of the study showed that the commonality of the economic plans of India and Russia in Central Asia for Iran in terms of opportunities is to increase in the geopolitical importance of Iran and the expansion of relations with the countries involved in the aforementioned economic plans. Also, the difference between the economic plans of India and Russia in Central Asia for Iran in terms of threats is the negative political and economic consequences for Iran due to the implementation of Russian economic plans and the increase in the influence of regional and transregional powers in Central Asia and the decrease in Iran's influence in the region due to the implementation of Indian economic plans. To validate the qualitative findings, the audit and focus group method were used, and to assess its reliability, the repeatability and transferability or generalizability were used.