Iranian Research letter of International Politics

Abstract Benyamin Netanyahu with more than fifteen years of experience as prime minister has been a major role in shaping the Israeli foreign policy. Knowledge about his central beliefs and cognitive approaches can play an important role in understanding Israeli foreign policy. The question is, what cognitive approach does Netanyahu have in foreign policy? Have these cognitive approaches been constant or changed over time? The aim is to explore Netanyahu's central beliefs as one of the main factors influencing Israeli foreign policy. In this regard, Netanyahu's verbal materials in foreign policy were examined between 2009 and 2019, using the conceptual framework of operational code analysis and the “verbs in context system” method in comparing to a norming group average of world leaders. The results of the quantitative analysis of Netanyahu’s speeches by Profiler Plus software show that there is a significant difference between Netanyahu's philosophical and instrumental beliefs in the second & third terms (2009-2015) on the one hand, and his beliefs in the fourth term (2015-2019), on the other hand. In the first round, Netanyahu saw the nature of the political universe in harmony with Israel's interests. Moreover, he realized political values in adopting a cooperative strategy, and the usefulness of utilizing cooperative tools with regards to other actors. In the second round, he considered the nature of the political universe in conflict with Israel's interests, realizing values in pursuing a limited cooperative strategy, and the usefulness of employing cooperative and conflictual tools versus other political actors.

Abstract One of the strategies of actors, especially small actors in the hierarchy of power in the turbulent situation of the international system, is their behavioral and systemic adaptation to their environment. In other words since in the anarchic environment of the international system, there is a lot of competition for obtain limited resources between the actors of the system, and this competition ultimately leads to conflict and situations in the system in which the weak actor unable to change environmental , or the actor's limitations more than its capabilities, and in this situation, the actor tends to adapt his behavioral patterns to the existing conditions in order to avoid wasting his power in the hierarchy of power. Therefore, the research, by focusing on the adaptation mechanism in foreign policy and using a descriptive-analytical method, tries to explain the foreign policy strategies of the actors of the Persian Gulf region. The result of the present study indicates that environmental constraints lead actors to adaptive strategies and actors in the Persian Gulf region in the face of environmental constraints according to their capabilities and ideals, adopted three types of creative (Pragmatic middle actors), active (Poles of power) and passive (Weak actors) adaptation.

Abstract The political school of Herat, which was formed by the Islamic-mystical thoughts of Maulana Abdul Rahman Jami and a network of Timurid era scientists, is based on justice, peace, Persian language, tolerance and tolerance, the teachings of ancient Iran and Turkish teachings. - Mongolian emphasizes. Amir Ali Shirnavai, minister of the Timurian court, and Maulana Hossein Waez Kashifi, two of Jami's students, have played a valuable role in the development of Herat's political school. Through these two, Jami's teachings have entered the political societies of that period and have practically flowed through the court in the social and cultural context. Peace is one of the most key concepts that has overlapped with other concepts such as expediency, reconciliation, tolerance and tolerance and has crystallized in the theory and practice of the political school of Herat, so that the Timurid era is one of the most peaceful periods in the history of the region. goes This article, with the conceptual framework of Quentin Skinner's constructivist school and hermeneutic methodology, aims to answer the question of the place of peace between communities in the political thought of the Herat school. It seems that the presence of Maulana Jami, the leader of the Naqshbandi sect, who is known for his peace and tolerance; As a great cultural consultant of the court, he is one of the main reasons for the peaceful atmosphere of the Timurid period. By creating a network of mystic thinkers inside and outside the Timurid rule, Jami had proposed peace as the main state of that period.

Abstract Settled Communities in the Middle East have historically been at loggerheads over water resources. Therefore, controlling and diversifying the ways of exploiting these resources has always been one of the pillars of states policy-makings in this region. For this reason, after the Second World War, modern dam-building, as the most important new way of exploiting water, has attracted the attention of these states, including Iran and Iraq, and has become one of the most important development programs of them. The growing attention to this policy has led to the formation of disputes between two countries. In this article, we intend to answer the key question: what are the threats of dam building policies in Iran and Iraq? And these threats has led (or will lead) to what diplomatic disputes and cooperations in the field of dam diplomacy between them? To answer these questions, we will first propose a special theoretical framework for dam diplomacy. Then we will deal with the dam-building policies and data related to the dams of Iran and its neighboring countries. In the following, we will say that these policies and dams have led (or will lead) to formation of what diplomatic threats, conflicts and cooperations between Iran and Iraq as one of these countries. Here, our approach has been based on the green theory of international relations and according to the subject, we have used exploratory, documentary based and conceptual-rational modeling methods.

Abstract Afghanistan is a country with diverse ethnic minorities that have been in conflict with each other, without much emphasis on nationalism. Lack of social cohesion has led to the dominance of tribal leaders in the country. On the other hand, modern nation-state building has been introduced through the French Revolution and colonization in India. These two ideologies have resulted in a cultural shock, tug of war between tradition and modernity, and violence in Afghanistan. Nationalism, which introduces traditional values into modern clothing, is in conflict with liberalism, which emphasizes post-enlightenment ideology and development in Europe, but has not been able to bring development to Afghanistan. Nationalism has led to division and animosity between the various cultures and ethnic groups in Afghanistan, resulting in social conflicts, weak nationalism, and underdevelopment. Armed uprisings, the emergence of terrorist groups, foreign intervention, the destruction of infrastructure, and the collapse of the developmental mindset are some of the consequences of this underdevelopment. This sociological-historical research aims to answer the question of how the delay in the formation of nationalism affected the development and led to the collapse of the developmental mindset in Afghanistan. The hypothesis is that the delay in the formation of civic nationalism, weak separation of private and public spheres in the eighth constitutional law, lack of historical background to liberal teachings, the non-sociological function of global society, and continuous ethnic nationalism without regard to the past have contributed to this collapse.

Abstract The developments of the 21st century led to transformations in the world's environment in such a way that the issues related to environmental developments and events turned from a domestic issue into a global one. Therefore, in recent decades, attention has been paid to the issue of environment and the use of new policies for solving them, such as the use of clean energy policy in the process of sustainable development in many countries. Chinese and American statesmen have taken effective steps to increase the use of environmental policy in order to achieve the goals of sustainable development. The main question of this research: What role has the use of clean energy in the politics of China and the United States in order to achieve sustainable development? In response to this hypothesis, it is investigated with a comparative-historical method that China and the United States have been able to meet the goals based on the sustainable development of society by using various policies in the field of clean energy renewable. Nevertheless, it seems that China, through the use of new policies, giving priority to clean energy etc., has been able to overtake the United States in the use of renewable energy and has been able to implement a part of its sustainable development policy with the balance between energy security and environmental protection.

Abstract Iraq is one of the countries that potentially has a significant range of components determining security and achieving balanced development, such as a young population and rich hydrocarbon resources but the process of socio-economic development and sustainable security of Iraq, in the early decades of the 21st century, has led to a dangerous and problematic situation.. However, in the last two decades, since the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime, despite the billions of dollars in annual oil revenues and international aid, the country has been failed to provide the primary public services and confronted with the widespread poverty and unemployment, looting of public property and constantly violence by armed forces in it's political economy. The question is that, how can the reproduction of insecurity and the complexity of the socio-economic development process in post-Saddam Iraq be understood? The research hypotheses are designed in the framework of institutionalism theory of Douglass North in such a way that the development of a special type of political settlement in Post-Saddam Iraq within the framework of limited access order has provided the ground for the reproduction of violence and the problematic process of socio-economic development of this country. The research findings indicate that the transition from a limited and repressive order to a limited, fragile and pluralistic order has reduced the development policy process in post sadam Iraq to sectorial, non-inclusive and beneficial measures. The result of this situation has been a conflict between the government and rent-seeking forces in the form of conflict and the reproduction of insecurity and instability.

Abstract “Looking to the East” as an approach in Iran’s foreign policy has been proposed during the last two decades. In parallel with the tightening of international sanctions on Iran and escalation of economic and political restrictions on Iran's international interactions, this approach received more attention in the theoretical and political sphere. The refusal of Europe and America to cooperate in the political, economic and security levels in one hand and expanding Iran's cooperation with countries such as China, Russia and India during recent years in other hand and also the emergence of the East in international economic and strategic affairs are the most important reasons for adopting this approach by Iran. Due to the failure of this policy in achieving its expected goals during the past years and regarding its position in Iran's foreign policy, it is obvious that along with the system factors and variables, features derived from ideology, discourse and strategic culture have played a role in the desirability of this approach. Based on this assumption, this article tries to evaluate the policy using the layered causal analysis approach at the four levels of objectivity, system, discourse and worldview, and finally Iranian political and identity myths and metaphors in order to understand the foundations of the Looking to the East policy. Surveys show the distance between the ideal point of the Islamic Republic of Iran to pursue the look to the east policy and the current situation. From the strategic foresight viewpoint this is rooted in the lowest levels, the "worldviews and metaphors and myths layers. In this sense, the existence of resources for differentiation and non-sharing these layers, along with the lack of common understanding about issues, challenges and opportunities, and especially the weakness in establishing a common cultural and identity context, has defined the policy as a react to systemic pressures and also trying to advance specific agendas in the field of foreign relations not an independent strategy.

Abstract Abstract
The world empire of Achaemenid Iran is recognized as a hegemonic power in the international system of ancient times. This government had hegemonic coordinates in the classical and modern sense, which required a hegemonic power above all else. The Mazdei hegemony was formed based on the political ideas of Iranshahri and the Iranian world order, which was reflected in the Achaemenid foreign policy strategy. The main question is; How was Iranshahri political thought of the Achaemenid era formed based on the concept of hegemony and hegemonic system in the creation of a new Iranshahri world order in the international arena? The results show that Achaemenid Iran as a hegemonic power at the level of the triple system of the ancient world controlled three important regional systems of the ancient world, i.e. the system of the Indian subcontinent and South Asia, the system of the Middle East and the Near East, and most of the Mediterranean system. In addition to legitimate military and economic measures to maintain its hegemony over the international systems, this government used techniques to control power centers, including the balance of power technique to control centrifugal regional powers. Also, the foundation and focal point of Iran's hegemony is based on the justice and specific ideology of the imperial government. In this era, based on the earthly and cosmic order of the imperial system, the cultural, military, economic and political hegemony of Iranshahri was formed and with a dynamic and advanced economy based on economic and commercial power, it created a powerful and unified monetary system in the ancient world. The research method in this article is based on the comparative method and the data collection method is based on library and reliable internet sources.

Abstract This research tries to investigate the conceptual context of the foreign policy of the 13th government by using the theoretical framework of cognitive linguistics and the " Pragglejaz" method. The most fundamental strategy of the 13th government's foreign policy is justice-oriented order and solving international issues based on order and justice. Obstacles in reaching this goal may slow down or stop the desired path. The understanding of this path can be represented and understood in the speeches and context of the government. The main question is, what conceptual metaphors has the 13th government used in the discourse of justice-oriented order? The hypothesis is that the "path" metaphor is the most frequent concept in the discourse of Mr. Raisi's government. The findings show that unfair relations, injustice, and discrimination due to the "mind" and the "global capitalist system" centered on the United States prevent the achievement of this path; This obstacle can be rebuilt by creating a "jihadi transformation". The results show that language expressions and mental space in the foreign policy apparatus are structures that create "meaning" between the "addressee" and "others" through direct correlation with events.

Abstract  
The fundamental developments in the geopolitics of East Asia, along with the change in regional and international power equations, have forced Japan to reconsider its commitment to pacifism enshrined in the constitution. In this framework, the evolution of Japan's security and defense strategy after Fumio Kishida (known as the Kishida Doctrine) became priminister has become more noticeable than Shinzo Abe priministership. The current research tries to answer the question of what components have influenced the evolution of Japan's security and defense strategy during the Kishda era and the presentation of his doctrine. The main argument of the article is that the transformation in Japan's defense-security strategy is a response to the international and regional structural changes caused by the emergence of China as a system-challenging actor and the uncertainty of the commitments of the United States in its all-round support in the event of the occurrence of war and acute geopolitical tensions. Based on the theory of neo-realism, the findings of the research show the international and regional structural dynamics resulting from the global and regional intersection between China and the United States, the increasing pressure of the United States on Japan in order to increase the broader security and defense role, the increase in the arms race in East Asia, the international implications of Russia's attack on Ukraine, and the increase in Russian military movements in northern Japan, along with the stable factors of the increase in North Korea's nuclear and missile threats, have influenced the evolution of Japan's defense and security strategy. Therefore, Kishida's doctrine, emphasizing the necessity of playing a more dynamic role in global and regional politics and increasing the capabilities of defense-military capabilities, indicates Japan's turn from the previous defense strategy to the behavior of balancing active forces.
 

Abstract The right to life and the idea of human dignity play a very important role in the emergence of new legal rules and systems. It is in the light of this idea that today we are witnessing the development and establishment of new legal rules and systems such as "International Human Rights System" and "International Criminal Law". Committing to the right to life will result in conditions such as the criminal responsibility of governments. The jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, based on Article 2 of the Convention, contains the important content that the right to life of all people must be protected by law and no one should be deliberately deprived of their right to life; except when executing the court order. The existential philosophy of Article 2 is to guarantee the right to life in every possible way. This is despite the fact that Article 2 does not only include intentional murder, but also includes situations in which the use of force causes the loss of life. In this situation, the use of lethal force is actually an example of intentional murder. Thus, according to the practice of the European Court of Human Rights, cases of violation of Article 2 of the Convention, not only include the killing of a person, but also include any danger to a person's life as being subject to the criminal responsibility of governments.

Abstract Israel's presence at the heart of security conflicts and challenges in the Middle East over the past several decades has established a deep relationship between Israel's national security and regional developments. This study aims to analyze the factors affecting Israel's security strategy against the Syrian crisis during 2011-2021. Therefore, the main question of the study is: how have the characteristics of the Syrian crisis during 2011-2021 affected Israel's security strategy against this crisis? Findings of the study show that the Syrian crisis for Israel, was innovative and surprise , and the level of threat severe due to the spread of the crisis to the country through the conflicts in the Syrian Golan, the migration of Palestinian refugees living in Syria and Syrian Druze to Israel, and the strategic arms of Syria falling into the hands of the group Anti-Israeli in the event of the fall of the Assad government were emerging, surprising, and the level of threat was severe, but the response time was sufficient. Israel's security strategy at this stage was the "policy of limited intervention" which focused on responding to the unwanted firing of bullets from Syria into Israel, the bombing of convoys transporting weapons from Syria to Lebanon, and the secret financial, logistical, and medical aid to the anti-Assad rebels in southern Syria. But with the military presence of Iran and its allies to support the Assad government and their role in changing the balance in favor of the Syrian government and their deployment in southern Syria at the end of 2016, the Syrian crisis for Israel has become a deliberative, predictable, more severe threat and response time. enough, and Israel's strategy changed from a limited intervention to a fully aggressive strategy of "Campaign between Wars" (Mabam) against Iran and its allies in 2017 to 2021, which has focused on creating a buffer zone in the south of Syria, extensive and heavy bombing of the forces of Iran and its allies throughout the territory of Syria. The research method in this research is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is library and internet sources.

Abstract Through policies and strategies in various dimensions (political, military, economic, cultural and social), Israel seeks to attract new allies in different parts of the world, including in Africa. In this regard, the African Union has recently accepted Israel as an observer member of the union. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to analyze the dimensions and objectives of Israel's presence and influence in Africa. The present study uses a descriptive-analytical method to answer the question, what are the dimensions and goals of Israel's presence in Africa? The findings of this study show that due to the prevailing policy of Alliance of the periphery doctrine and its shaping factors in Israel, and enjoying the geopolitical, geo-economic and geostrategic advantages of African countries and having great economic, security and military potentials, as well as taking into account the pragmatic political and economic considerations of African countries, Israel seeks to expand its relations with these countries and increase its presence on the African continent, with goals such as enhancing its international legitimacy and political prestige, undermining the anti-Israel unity of the Arab-Islamic countries, downplaying the Palestinian question, responding to a shift in US regional policy, and increasing its security and as well as achieving its strategic confrontation with Iran and its allies (promotion of water security and population security) and economic exploitation.

Abstract World politics has entered a new phase of its life after the collapse of the bipolar system. Due to the complexity and increasing uncertainties of the international environment, the failure of unilateralism and the relative decline of hegemony, diversity in formal and informal actors, theoretical, conceptual and semantic differences in international relations and the emergence of emerging powers have added to the chaos of this environment. Contemplation of what the future of international order will look like after the transition period and what place countries and emerging powers will have in it is one of the most important theoretical issues and debates among scholars and politicians. All countries want to achieve a more desirable position and a greater share to play a role in the future of the international system. The present study seeks to answer the question that based on the perspectives and narratives about the future of world order and based on the convergence and divergence between the emerging and traditional powers of the international system, which disciplines will be more desirable in the future of the international system, and what are the preferred scenarios for the future of the international order?
The research has a futures research approach using the analysis of the structure and strategy of the actors and the data analysis has been done through the Maker software. The statistical population of the study includes 25 university experts who have been selected by purposive non-random sampling.
The research findings indicate that although the future of international order is ambiguous due to the complexity and fluidity of the environment and numerous uncertainties, based on the activism of emerging powers in interacting and competing with traditional powers, the tendency of the actors indicates the emergence of a multipolar, multicenter system and world regions more than other perspectives.

Abstract China is one of the great powers in the present age, especially economically, and is an active player in this field. China's foreign policy approach to the world is different. The purpose of this study is to examine Iran's position in China's foreign policy. The research question is based on what is Iran's position in China's foreign policy and to answer the question, To answer the question, we test the hypothesis that China is in its foreign policy apparatus in order to counter US unilateralism in the Middle East and to secure the economic benefits of its future projects at the international system level it has a special place in Iran. The method of data collection is based on library and electronic, the method of research is qualitative and process tracking and inspired by the theory of realism. Findings show that China, based on the three strategies of developing economic cooperation, breakout and diversion, considers Iran's in its foreign policy important and has a special view of Iran in the Persian Gulf region. In fact, Iran paves the way for China to be able to supply its own energy source, challenge US-led regional order, seize the Middle East, divert US control from China, and create a large market for Find sales of your products.

Abstract In the early 20th century, with the constitutional revolution and the formation of the first Constituent Assembly, Iran legislated the principles of foreign policy. The attributes of foreign policy in the constitutional law are non-revolutionary, rational, based on neutrality and peaceful foreign relations. Despite the policy of Russian and British influence in Iran, followed by the imposition of political and economic contracts in the years leading to the constitutional revolution, the question that is raised is why has the foreign policy output of the constitutional revolution mainly been realistic, non-revolutionary and formed in line with the international system? The hypothesis that we propose to answer this question is that a complex configuration of internal economic, political and social aspects in connection with international factors is the formation of the revolutionary situation and the coalition of mobilization of internal forces and foreign powers on the path of revolution. As a result, it has led to the emergence of a rational, realistic and peaceful foreign policy. The method of this historical-interpretive research is based on George Lawson's theory of historical sociology.

Abstract The inhabitants of the two kingdoms of Iran and China have had continuous cultural, economic, and political relations for a long time and have been considered among the major players in the international system for centuries. These exchanges and trades have not only influenced the rituals and worldviews of the Chinese and Iranians, but their peaceful and stable lives have also depended on their cooperation at different times. A central document, which has dealt with the relations between Iranian and Chinese people is Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh. Over 1000 years ago, Ferdowsi has masterfully related the ties between the kings and the peoples in these two lands. Shahnameh can be considered a major resource to conduct research on the ancient relations between Iran and China. The present study attempted to use New Historicism to examine the Shahnameh stories, identify the various uses of Chinese goods in Iran and other parts of the world, and re-interpret valuable aspects of the relations between these people from a fresh perspective.

Abstract Being among the world's biggest debtors in the 1980s, Brazil made progress and developed at an unparalleled pace since the mid-1990s with economic reforms. This article aims to examine the Brazilian trade policy process and its relation with Iran. By applying the theory of complex interdependence, it was found that while abandoning the tradition of protectionism and the tendency to integrate into the global geo-economy, it diversified its partners in the form of trade agreements, reduced reliance on Mercosur, strengthened The entry of foreign capital and the presence of Brazilian investors oversees, trade multilateralism, the reduction of tariff rates and non-tariff barriers; On the other hand, the necessity of concluding preferential and especially free trade agreements between Iran and Brazil, creating export capacity due to the complementarity of the economies of the two countries, as well as overcoming challenges such as tariff rates and cooperation in the direction of multilateralism in the form of institutions such as BRICS, are opportunities that could shape Iranian trade policy towards Brazil.

Abstract The author presents the concept of smart networked wars and Nonlinear Heterachic-panarchic Deterrence are as a new wave in modern studies of war and deterrence.These two are closely interconnected and often go hand in hand in the context of groups that living together. Throughout the history and evolution of international relations، the strategic environment and its types have determined the configuration of war and deterrence. On the other hand، deterrence against wars requires a specific configuration within the international system. This issue imposes particular demands on the foreign policies of states، especially at the regional level. Smart networked wars represent the final phase in the evolution of warfare، which necessitates a new pattern of deterrence. Although attention has been given to this، the existing literature on international relations has been unable to fully explain it. Deterrence against smart networked wars requires new systemic conditions، which can be explored within regional constructions of the international system. Thus، the present research raises the fundamental question of how the relationship between smart networked wars and deterrence. The answer to this question can be found in Heterarchic Panarchic deterrence، which is an innovative concept in the literature of International Relations and its strategic studies field. The main goal of this article is to advane the theory of nonlinear deterrence ;which the author introduced in the new wave of deterrence studies and to further develop it using the method of abduction.The result of the research article is also conceptualized in a new concept under the title of smart networked war and Nonlinear Heterarchic Panarchic Deterrence.

Abstract This paper delves into the intricate interplay between content moderation mechanisms, employed by Meta as a form of self-governance, and the overarching governance structures imposed by nation-states. Content moderation, subsumed under the umbrella term of platform governance, stands as the primary tool utilized by global digital corporations to regulate online discourse and citizen behavior within the digital realm. Given the pervasive influence of global digital platforms over the internet, and considering that a significant portion of citizen interactions and communications transpire within these platforms, many governments have been compelled to relinquish a degree of their sovereignty to these entities. In contrast to the inaction of many governments, some have proactively enacted legislation and established frameworks to moderate and align with the governance practices of these large platforms. The European Union has emerged as a frontrunner in this endeavor, striving to safeguard its digital sovereignty through the adoption of various regulations, including those pertaining to data privacy. Additionally, countries like Germany have mandated that these platforms adhere to their national laws within their respective territories, incorporating these regulations as guiding principles for service provision. The findings of this paper underscore the inevitability of platform involvement in governance, highlighting the emergence of a hybrid governance model that integrates corporate governance with national governance. This shared governance approach, while acknowledging the transformative impact of technological and political developments, necessitates that platforms enforce national regulations within a specific territorial jurisdiction. This, in turn, fosters the protection of citizen rights and the restoration of state sovereignty in the face of the platformization of politics.

Abstract Countries are taking steps to exploit geopolitical opportunities to increase their power and international position, and corridors play a decisive role in this regard. Corridors are one of the important areas of transition and transformation in the global geometry of power, which have a direct impact on the interests and national security of countries. This has doubled the importance of corridors as a power component for regional and international actors. In this regard, during the 2023 G20 summit held in New Delhi, the India-Middle East-Europe Corridor, abbreviated as "IMEC", was announced. The goal of this multifaceted economic corridor, which includes multiple shipping, railway, and road networks, is to create a continuous trade route with the aim of connecting India to Europe through the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and ultimately Israel. Using a descriptive-analytical method and relying on library and electronic resources, the present study seeks to answer the question of what challenges and consequences Israel's presence and role in the emerging IMEC corridor have for Iran's national interests and security? In response to this question, the author tests the hypothesis that the activation of the IMEC corridor with the participation of Israel is a clear example of a geopolitical alliance and competition to isolate and weaken Iran's heartland position, which will bring numerous economic and security challenges to Iran. The research findings also indicate that the activation of the IMEC corridor provides a strategic opportunity for Israel to integrate into the region, escape from geopolitical and geoeconomic isolation, and enhance its political and security position in the Middle East. This poses a serious threat to Iran's national security and geopolitical and geostrategic position.

Abstract There is a significant difference of opinion about the interaction and the relationship between ethics and responsibility of the government in the issue of immigration and asylum seeking. Some, like universalists, believe in the extensive responsibility of governments to create the necessary conditions for these people, and others, like statists, believe in the limited responsibility of governments in organizing this area. The contemporary philosopher Michael Walzer has a clear position in this area. His ideas are an evolutionary and dialectical combination of the responsibility of the national government and international ethics. Therefore, this article, based on this dominant duality in the philosophical-political approaches to immigration and asylum-seeking, and in particular Michael Walzer's approach, seeks an explanatory answer to the basic question: what relationship between the responsibility of the state and the international moral issue can be the basis for policy-making in the issue of asylum migration? In order to answer this question, we will first briefly explain the state-centered and universalist debate on immigration and asylum-seeking, and then explain our critique of it by explaining the combined ideas of Michael Walzer.

Abstract Hashd Shaabi is currently considered one of the most important Iraqi forces in the fight against the Salafi-Takfiri terrorist forces of ISIS. Now, the organization and structure of Hashd Shaabi forces is considered as one of the public-legal institutions that has always been the focus of researchers over the past few years.
In general, in examining the performance and role of the Islamic Republic of Iran, "providing national security by expanding extra-territorial power" is also observed and it can be considered a framework that is used to create the conditions and space in which a nation is able to achieve its goals and objectives. to spread the desired vital values at the national and transnational level, or at least to preserve them against potential and actual internal and external threats. In the framework of such a definition, the movement activities of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in addition to the ideological dimension, should be considered based on "producing power and increasing security" in the framework of forming the cores of popular resistance.

Abstract Relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia have fluctuated between conflict, competition and limited cooperation during the past few decades. Often, the competition and conflict of these two actors are analyzed based on ideological or geopolitical approaches and their cooperation based on regionalism theories and based on the structure of the international system, but the investigation of the understanding and perception of their political and military elites is mostly ignored. This research seeks to investigate the effect of these signals on the conflict, the prolongation of negotiations, the speed of recent agreements and the future of the relations between the two actors by examining the statements and behavior of the political-military elites of the two countries. The main question that is raised is: What effect did the signals sent by the political-military elites of Iran and Saudi Arabia have on their relations? In response to the above question, within the framework of signaling theory and with the method of qualitative content analysis, this hypothesis is proposed that: the signals sent by the political-military elites and the behavior of Iran and Saudi Arabia towards each other have caused the elites of the two countries to perceive threats based on have each other and this has led to prolonged negotiations and as a result intensifying competition and conflict between them and at other times these signals are based on cooperation and non-zero sum game that brings two actors closer to each other and agreements between They are formed. According to the experience of such ups and downs in sending signals, it is expected that the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia will fluctuate in the medium term with the transition from conflict to competition and limited cooperation