Iranian Research letter of International Politics

Abstract After the Cold War, One of the most important developments in China's foreign policy was Beijing's understanding to maintain friendly relations with neighboring countries. Good relations with neighbors have been established in order to provide a more favorable environment for domestic economic development and then increase the country's wealth and power in world affairs. so China has developed an integrated regional policy called peripheral policy or neighborhood policy. The question is, what strategies has China adopted in its neighborhood policy, and what challenges does it face? it should be said that China's Neighborhood politics include good neighborly policy during the Deng Xiaoping era, neighbor policy as a partner during the Jiang Zemin era, good, secure and prosperous neighborhood policy during the Hu Jintao era and common society policy with common destiny during the Xi Jinping era. In fact, China is not the only rising power trying to shape its periphery through Ambitious foreign policy initiatives, but the European Union has done this before. The purpose of the article is to show China's leaders with the right understanding of the international system and changing their strategic thinking have adopted appropriate foreign policy and consequently good neighborly diplomacy, and have been able to provide a safe environment for their development Which leads to a new regional order.
 
 
 

Abstract This study attempts to provide a new interpretation of the phenomenon of jihad in contemporary Afghanistan. With the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the Afghan people waged jihad against the Soviet Union and its dictatorial regime in Afghanistan. Jihad is a category that has a long history in Afghanistan. The process of producing the myth of jihad began in the 1970s. The process of producing the myth of jihad took place in the social conscious of Afghan society and through icons. Icons are symbols that evoke the whole work on the myth behind it. In this regard, we can name three icons for the myth of jihad: the icon of colonialism, the icon of mercenary and handcuffed government and the icon of the oppressed. The myth of jihad led to the construction of the political cause by transforming religious groups into political entities and creating antagonism and otherness. The political myth of jihad mobilized religious groups and turned them into political groups. The other, created by the myth of jihad, was seen as an enemy to be fought. Eventually this process led to the fall of the communist government in Afghanistan.

Abstract هدف از انجام این پژوهش ارائه پاسخ تحلیلی از منظر اقتصاد سیاسی و نیز جامعه شناختی سیاسی به این پرسش است: تحریم‌های شدید نفتی و بانکی مرتبط با آن در بستر تنش‌های سیاسی و هسته‌ای بین ایران و ایالات متحده آمریکا و هم پیمانان غربی آن چه تاثیری بر امنیت ملی ایران در دهه 1390 شمسی داشته است؟ فرضیه پژوهش آن است که با توجه به وابستگی شدید بودجه دولت ایران به درآمدهای نفتی، تحریم نفتی و کاهش شدید این درآمدها، امنیت ملی ایران در ابعاد اقتصادی و سیاسی را آسیب‌پذیر ساخته است. این مطالعه با روش تبیینی – تحلیلی و روش کتابخانه‌ای و اینترنتی برای داده‌ها در چارچوب رویکرد جامعه بنیاد مکتب کپنهاگ به امنیت ملی انجام شده است. یافته‌ها حاکی از آن است که تحریم‌های نفتی در یک دهه اخیر به ویژه در دوره ریاست جمهوری ترامپ این پیامدهای منفی را بر اقتصاد ایران داشته است: ناعتمادی و کاهش شدید سرمایه‌گذاری خارجی و داخلی، کاهش تولید در بخش‌های صنعتی و کشاورزی، عدم انتقال دانش فنی در نفت، بیکاری فزاینده، تورم شدید و بی سابقه ناشی از تحریم و نقدینگی بالای ناشی از استقراض‌های بی‌رویه دولت از بانک مرکزی و چاپ اسکناس، گسترش فساد اقتصادی در اشکال قاچاق، احتکار، اختلاس، رانت جویی، افزایش ضریب جینی یا نابرابری و شکاف طبقاتی شدید، آسیب پذیری شدید سرمایه‌گذاری صاحبان سرمایه‌های کوچک و میانی در بورس و جاهای دیگر. چنین پیامدهای منفی ناشی از تحریم‌ها به ویژه در نیمه دوم دهه 1390 سبب رخ دادن اعتراضات ساختارشکن، رادیکال و زنجیروار با پیوندهای افقی بین اعتراضات اصناف و گروه‌های گوناگون اجتماعی در شکل خیابانی (سیاست خیابان) شدند

Abstract In recent years, unilateral act of States has expanded for a variety of reasons. In parallel with this development, international case law and doctrine have increasingly become confronted with the conceptual and practical challenges of these acts. One of these challenges is the base of State’s commitment to their unilateral acts. In this context, the question arises that unlike the bilateral or multilateral acts, which are crystallized in the form of international treaties and in which the commitment of each state is based on the commitment of the other party, in the absence of either party, on what basis is the obligation arising from unilateral act made and with what justification is it recognized as binding. This paper, while examining all the theories presented to response the above questions, shed light on disagreement between the ICJ and the ILC, has tried to adapt these theories to the existing case law and state practices. The findings of this paper confirm that among these multiple theories, the theory of the will of the state is the most defensible theory due to the transcendental position of the state in the structure of international law.

Abstract  
1- INTRODUCTION:
Since February 24 (March 5, 1400), when the Russia-Ukraine war began, the confrontation between Russia and the United States in Ukraine has led to an increase in Iran's strategic importance. Considering the prolongation of the war in Ukraine, this article aims to obtain basic solutions to strengthen the capacity of Iran's media diplomacy in the war between Russia and Ukraine.
2- THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK:
Experts in this field have given different definitions for media diplomacy. Abuwebo, in his definition, describes the media as a tool to express and promote foreign policy.
3-METHODOLOGY:
 The method of this article is applied in terms of purpose and in terms of qualitative nature of thematic analysis. The study includes 11 media experts. Content validity was determined using the opinions of professors and experts. Semi-structured interviews were used to collect information. Data analysis was done in two stages. At first, based on the results of the interviews, information was extracted and then coding and classification of the data was done. MaxQDA 2022 software was used to perform thematic analysis.
4- RESULTS & DISCUSSION:
It showed that by using the content produced in social media, political and economic factors can be strengthened in promoting Iran's national interests.
5- CONCLUSIONS & SUGGESTIONS
It indicates that Iran's media diplomacy field can benefit from the opportunities created by the Ukraine war in order to develop the country's exports and imports and strengthen its hegemony as an active player.

Abstract The complexity of the international system has fundamentally changed the strategic principles of foreign policy of actors. One of the principles of complex systems is the degrees of freedom of system elements. This principle has led to the emergence of the challenge between stability and change as one of the fundamental paradoxes of the system and international realities. Stability draws actors towards strategies based on control, and change draws actors towards strategies based on self-organization. Classical management, focusing on controlling problems, tried to eliminate, change or correct the cause of phenomena and control problems and maintain the sustainability of the system. Therefore, in classical systems, strategies were drawn with degrees of control over phenomena. The complexity of the international system has made it very difficult and impossible to control phenomena due to the lack of recognition of the cause of phenomena, the nonlinearity of problems, the impossibility of separating problems, the interference of systemic processes and the emergence of phenomena from seemingly unrelated problems. The question is: What is the strategic requirement of actors in order to achieve goals and interests and maintain stability and durability in the conditions of emerging realities in the complex international system? In response to the research question, the hypothesis is proposed that complex management, focusing on self-organization, imposes the principle of strategic flexibility on the strategies of actors in the complex international system. The findings of the research with a descriptive-analytical approach and qualitative research method indicate that strategic flexibility plays a vital role in the continuous development, recombination and adaptive use of existing resources. This allows the system to scan the environment and respond to changes and threats in a timely manner by identifying opportunities and strategic innovation.

Abstract Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) of Islamic Republic of Iran’s(IRI) missile operation against military base of United States of America (USA) called, Ain al-Assad, following the US drone strike and martyrdom of Genaral Haj Qasem Soleimani and some of other islam defendants, has raised various opinions considering the legitimacy of the action in question. Countermeasure, self-defence and consent are three circumstances that have been raised in legal teachings and doctrines regarding the said issue. Pursuant to customary international law and article 20 of International law commission’s draft articles on international responsibility of states for international wrongful act (ARSIWA 2001), Iraq’s consent authorizes that the islamic republic of iran’s operation in iraq’s territory, does not violate territorial integrity of Iraq and does not consider as intervention in its internal affairs. Countermeasures can not affect state obligation not to use of force and demand of Islamic community of IRI for hard revenge, does not mean that the missile action is a reprisal, as in some doctrines has been said. Regarding the seriality of US internationally wrongful acts in this regard and the evidences that show the commitment of more similar wrongs, the Islamic Republic of Iran’s action is the legitimate self-defence as the inherent right has been explicited in article 51 of the UN charter. This should not be regarded as pre-emptive (anticipatory) or preventive defence but as a chain of infringements by the US makes that the IRI act would be considered self-defence which is legitimate and legal in international law.

Abstract The Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia have been among the most important actors in the Persian Gulf region and West Asia, which have experienced ups and downs after the Islamic Revolution. Whereas before the Islamic Revolution, in spite of overt and covert rivalries, it pursued parallel goals and interests, and a kind of convergence and relative stability prevailed in their relations. However, with the advent of the Islamic Revolution, conflicting social and identity structures were created between Iran and Saudi Arabia, which, as a result of these conflicting structures, inconsistent and inverted realities overshadowed their relations and dominated the conflict between the two countries. Hence, the pattern of conflicting relations between the two countries has been formed in such a way that peaceful relations in their relations have become fleeting and the occurrence of successive crises has become permanent and fundamental. This research uses a descriptive-analytical method to investigate the reasons and contexts for the recurrence of the crisis in the relations between the two countries and the research data show that the recurrence of the crisis ‌ in their relations is a function of deep social structures (such as political Islam versus Wahhabi Islam) and maladaptive elements of identity (such as revolutionaryism and historical Iranism versus Saudi conservatism and Arabism) and the conflicting speech acts of the two countries' political and religious elites.

Abstract  
The evolution of the 21st century international system towards a complex and chaotic system, due to the simultaneous global and regional transition of power between China and the United States, has made the seas more prominent in the process of order transition. Such a transition can be seen in Indo-Pacific maritime tensions, especially in the South China Sea. Such a multi-level transition has brought new challenges to the traditional model of power transition theory and it’s necessary to adjust it within the framework of complex systems. This paper examines the role do seas and oceans play in the transition of power in complex international systems? The author argues that competition to dominate the seas and oceans can be the point of transferring systemic pressures to the branches of the regional order and changing its security architecture towards a new maritime-based security order. The paper, using the multi-level power transition theory, contributes to a better understanding of the dynamics surrounding maritime competition and contestation between China and the United States in the process of power transition from a systemic perspective. The research method is deductive-inductive based on inference and synthesis. In this regard, at first the principles and rules of transition in complex and chaotic systems are extracted, then by combining them, the bifurcation transition model and comprehensive network control system is presented.
 
 
 

Abstract The question of how cognitive neuroscience can be helpful in studying International Relations has been discussed for almost a decade. How can positivist and individualistic methodologies be used with the knowledge that has a holistic viewpoint of the world? In order to apply this knowledge to studying world politics, it seems that we must first understand the epistemological dimensions of social neuroscience and the paradigms that govern it, as well as how these relate to epistemologies in international relations. In this article, we demonstrate how embodiment, as one of the new paradigms of cognitive sciences that reject Cartesian dualism and place bodily experiences at the center of knowledge, introduces new ways to study international relations that avoid reductionism and individualism. Using this framework, it is also possible to analyze how body-culture contributes to the development of international structures as both constitutive and causal mechanisms. The new generation of feminist theories, as well as the Practice and Postcolonial theories of International Relations, have taken this epistemology into account, which has provided a new angle on understanding international phenomena.

Abstract This paper is aimed at exploring the most fundamental step for the implementation of initiatives based on the idea of endogenous security in the Persian Gulf, including the Hormoz Peace Endeavor (HOPE). Therefore, the main question is: “What is the most important fundamental step in implementing the HOPE?”. Since the implementation of the HOPE requires weakening of the durable patterns of amity and enmity intertwined with enmity between Iran and the GCC, the hypothesis says: “Improving Tehran-Riyadh bilateral relations is the most fundamental step in implementing the HOPE”. This research is descriptive-analytical and an inferential methodology is utilized to analyze the findings. The conceptual framework has also been formed through applying the Balance of Threat (BoT) theory to the Regional Security Complex theory. While completing the hypothesis, the findings show that, first, the existence of at least some degree of security convergence between Tehran and Riyadh is necessary to implement any security model based on the idea of endogenous security in the Persian Gulf. And second, since Saudi Arabia has no incentive to implement endogenous security initiatives in the region, Tehran can achieve the minimum necessary requisites for security convergence with this country, through establishing an agreement with Riyadh on some areas of influence in the Middle East.

Abstract The election of Donald J. Trump as President of the United States in November.08.2016 raised many questions about the future of American foreign policy, including the effect of electing a leader who rejected many of the long-standing principles of American foreign policy in his campaign speeches. Given that the Trump administration carried the heritage of Republicans and Democrats in foreign policy, what could be the future of US foreign policy? Perhaps many observers would conclude that Trump's foreign policy lacked any particular structure, coherence, or strategy in recognizing a president like Donald Trump. He lacked the usual order and sudden changes in the course of action.
In foreign policy, Trump has pursued an America First agenda, withdrawing the US from the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade negotiations, the Paris Agreement on climate change, and the Iran nuclear deal. He imposed import tariffs which triggered a trade war with China, moved the US embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, and withdrew US troops from northern Syria. Trump met with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un three times, but talks on denuclearization broke down in 2019. In addition to these cases, expressing friendships with Putin, peace talks with the Taliban, ignoring human rights issues in relations with Saudi Arabia, unilateralism in many policies, and disregard for the views of its key European allies, among many other cases, all evoke a picture of foreign policy confusion.
The question that arises is whether we have witnessed fundamental changes and the adoption of new models in foreign policy in the macro and strategic foreign policy of the United States during the four years of Trump, or has this policy been a continuation of the previous trend? .In this research, the descriptive-analytical method and referring to the opinions of experts have been used. An attempt has been made to evaluate US foreign policy in the short period of Trump in the light of a combined conceptual framework. A combination of realistic theories, the first type, and family similarities can help explain the continuation of major US foreign policy strategies under Donald J. Trump`s administration.
The ultimate goal is to assist American studies in the field of international relations courses and to provide a clearer picture of US foreign policy
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Abstract The Deobandi school , one of the major cerebral - religious schools in southeast Asia , has a significant impact on the performance and beliefs of religious fundamentalists , especially in Afghanistan . The Taliban who were graduates of this school were founded by the influence of many of their principals and rules . the Afghan occupation of Afghanistan by the soviet union and large migration of Afghans to Pakistan , considering both the tribal and the language of some of the refugees ( Pashtuns ) with scholars of the school , led them to become religious seminaries and convert to religious seminary students who were taught by the Deobandi madrassa . With the support of the Pakistani government and the relocation of these people between the two countries of Afghanistan and Pakistan , soon the doctrine of the school between the Taliban has expanded . In this research , we seek to answer this question that where is the political and religious thought of the Taliban ? The main hypothesis of the study is that the Taliban group , following the Deobandi school 's teachings , established many of their principles and rules during the period 1996 - 2001 . To evaluate the research hypothesis , the authors used Diffusion of innovations theory , which is one of the valid theories to evaluate and measure how each type of intellectual or physical innovation is developed . This research is descriptive - analytical and library method is used for collecting .

Abstract Contrary to official approaches that emphasize the "two-state solution," analyses indicate that Israel has imposed an apartheid structure on the Palestinians through a series of gradual and seemingly legal measures; Accordingly, the aim of the present study is to analyze Israeli policies in the framework of the "creeping apartheid" theory, and the question is raised as to how "creeping apartheid" has in practice become a strategy for changing the demographic context and creating a structural dependence of the Palestinians on Israel in the period 1996-2023?? The research hypothesis is that Israel, through spatial domination and the imposition of a discriminatory situation, has made living conditions impossible for the Palestinians and has led to the exodus of the population. The research method is trend analysis, and the trend of demographic, economic, and spatial variables has been examined in the period from 1996 to 2023. The findings indicate that Israeli policies have led to a sharp decline in the rural population, limited agricultural land, unilateral dependence of the Palestinian economy on Israel, a significant increase in the unemployment rate, and a growth in immigration and refugee populations. These trends indicate that Israel, through land control, economic dependency, and the imposition of inadequate living conditions, has paved the way for the forced displacement of Palestinians and changed the demographic composition of the occupied territories. Also, creeping apartheid is not a momentary situation, but a gradual, institutionalized, and legalized process that, by denying the Palestinians the right to self-determination and continuing Israel’s structural domination, has made the future of an independent Palestinian state increasingly challenging.

Abstract Gaining and maintaining a superior position in the challenging geopolitics of the Middle East is one of Iran's strategic priorities, and this important goal has been realized for many years under the shadow of benefiting from the two wings of the country's military and ideological power. A position that, despite the priority of pragmatism and transformation in regional power and wealth production circuits, including economic and environmental priorities, social reforms, the emergence of new regional and extra-regional power actors, the formation of new power blocs, the priority of science and technology, etc., has a worrying perspective. To maintain Iran's regional position has been faced. A topic that using the descriptive-analytical method and regional security theory design, in the form of the question that what are the strategic-approach requirements of Iran despite the changes in the foundations and traditional bases of power in the Middle East? And the hypothesis that Iran is not exempt from the change of power equations in the Middle East and that it is necessary to review the past policies based on being limited to ideological-security competitions in order to maintain the balance and not remove the power from the multi-dimensional security in the Middle East, has been analyzed. The findings of the research show that the new Middle East, unlike Iran's idealistic and realism-oriented policies, has moved with the application of liberal and pragmatic policies and centered on hybrid power, and the traditional ideology-security tactic, despite the regional de-escalation, is to leave the outcome of the power game to the competitors, and in this direction In order to maintain regional authority, it is necessary for Iran to take measures such as efficient and trial-and-error diplomacy, the use of a multi-dimensional and knowledge-based economy, benefiting from geopolitical capacities, improving society and governance relations as the basis of foreign policy, using cultural and historical capacities and... do it.

Abstract The international community organization with a "systemic approach" to it consists of the following systems whose analysis and future research of their actions is of great importance for experts in the field of international relations. A systemic approach to analyzing international phenomena is based on understanding their totality. Accordingly, an understanding of the sources or, as the present article points out, the "genes" that make up the systems of member organizations of the International Community is essential to understanding their "perceptions" and "best selections." An attempt was made to present new theories for the analysis of phenomena in the international arena and look at the system with a comprehensive approach and its material and semantic elements should be considered in presenting a theory with the title of "ontological selection". In presenting these theoretical systems, attention was drawn to all analytical elements which should have been considered to present a theoretical system; In fact, were considered the concepts of anthropology, ontology, epistemology, and methodology as well as levels of analysis. Besides, was the attention to the "teleos" which is the result of the materialistic or semantic construction of the identities, ideologies, and goals of the systems. In the following article also attention to deviate from the teleos which has been effective in understanding, analyzing and futurology of actions of systems; as well as attention to the others' actors semantic processes. Believes that by understanding the perceptions and teleological choices of systems, we will be able to analyze and research the future of their actions; Obviously, the proposed theoretical system should be used to analyze various phenomena, which the author will focus on in the future.

Abstract The majority of the history of Iran's foreign relations, for more than half a century, has been influenced by its relationship with the United States and its quality. The main purpose of this article is to address a period of these relationships; including the seizure of the US embassy by Iranian students; and its negative consequences. So, the theory of "Path Dependency" has been used to explain this relationship. The main question of the research is dedicated to the fact that; Depending on the environment and the conditions of that period, the path dependency has caused the situation to move towards hostility and enmity between the two countries. The claim of this research is based on the hypothesis that the mutual decisions of the two countries after that incident, as a turning point, have depended on the path dependency and can be explained by it. Therefore, after searching in various books and articles, I used a qualitative method to analyze and explain the decisions and actions of the parties involved in the crisis. The research findings indicate the negative impact of path dependence in the critical environment and the resulting uncertainty at an important time. The result is that; the decisions of Tehran and Washington have exacerbated the situation due to path dependence on the each stage.

Abstract The main purpose of this article is to study the backgrounds and reasons for Iran's new Eurasianism in Rouhani era and to analyze the goals and requirements of this policy. The previous strategy, called "Looking East" did not have clear achievements for some reasons, including inaccurate understanding of Eurasian trends and powers, little consensus, politicization, and anti-Americanization. It was largely a response to US pressure. Although this pressure is still an important variable in Iran's neo-Eurasianism, efforts have been made to address these problems and to take an active approach to adapt to new dynamics in Eurasia and the international arena. This article examines the theoretical and practical aspects of Iran’s neo-Eurasianism with a qualitative-systemic method, considering the interaction of variables, agents and various issues at regional and international levels in the framework of "new intergovernmentalism". Avoiding politicization, trying to moderate pressure rather than confronting the US, greater domestic consensus, multivectoral approach, emphasis on geoeconomics rather than geopolitics and a comprehensive rather than limited view are major characteristics of Iran's new Eurasianism in the Rouhani era. As a result, the paper emphasizes that while US pressure as a "coercive" factor is important in the Iran’s neo-Eurasianism, the "selective" effort to adapt to growing international and Eurasian developments is also a significant variable in shaping this policy.

Abstract The need to protect users' personal data in cyberspace is inevitable nowadays, thus governments and regional and international mechanisms such as the European Union have also taken legislative actions in this regard. On the other hand, the interpretation of the framework of laws adopted within the European Union is that the implementation of these laws is also limited to the territory of the constituent states of this regional body, while the provisions of the latest European Data Protection Document (GDPR: 2016) shows that it has extraterritorial character and can be applied outside the borders of the union. Therefore, this study uses a descriptive analytical method to examine the text of this document and its previous version (DPD: 1995), and the most important cases before the European Union Court of Justice regarding the transfer of European users’ personal data to the United States of America to clarify the possibility of cross-border application of this document in non-EU countries. Finally, the findings of the present study indicate that due to the significant political and economic power of the Union, the large number of European users in the Internet space, interpretations and opinions provided by the European Court, history of data transfer mechanisms between Europe and the United States, as well as the administrative mandates provided in this document, it can be said that in practice this regulation has extraterritorial character and is applied outside the union.

Abstract Radical Jihadist Salafism, as an "ideology of violence and terror," gains mass appeal under specific sociological conditions. Combined with the Middle East's unique geopolitical dynamics, it enables non-state terrorist groups to engage in collective action, thereby altering the region’s geopolitical landscape. Iran, due to its religious diversity, vulnerable geography (with Sunni populations residing in border areas), and its cultural position as the leading force of Shi’a geocultural influence in the Middle East—constantly confronting the surrounding Sunni geocultural forces—is particularly susceptible to this phenomenon. The key question explored in this study is: What threats does radical Salafism pose to Iran’s national security, and through what mechanisms? The research hypothesizes that this ideology negatively impacts Iran’s national security by mobilizing and radicalizing Sunni communities, destabilizing Iran’s border regions, and fostering an anti-Iranian geocultural force. This study aims to provide a practical analysis of the threats posed by radical Salafism to Iran’s national security and explore effective countermeasures in both domestic and foreign policy. The proposed solutions will address conceptual and operational dimensions by emphasizing the interconnectedness of theory and practice. The research employs a dual-layered descriptive-analytical approach, drawing on library resources and document analysis. It first examines the relationship between the religious-political tenets of Salafist ideology and its promotion of violence and terrorism, alongside the sociological and psychological factors contributing to its mass appeal. Subsequently, it analyzes the geocultural and geopolitical dynamics that shape its impact on Iran’s national security. In summary, this study systematically and methodically accounts for the ideological appeal and geocultural influence of radical Jihadist Salafism.

Abstract Several decades have passed since the collapse of the Soviet Union, and relations with the countries separated from the former Soviet Union were placed on the agenda of Iran's foreign policy apparatus from the day after the collapse. Iran made several efforts to expand strategic relations with independent political units; Efforts, most of which are defined in the form of official diplomacy. This is while the multifaceted nature of diplomatic relations has caused changes in the levels of diplomacy and political relations. From a paradiplomatic point of view, small and sub-national identities independent of central governments can play a role in the international arena. Based on this assumption, the question of this article is: "What are the strengths and weaknesses of diplomatic relations between Iran and Turkmenistan, and how does paradiplomacy help to improve and promote these relations?" In response to this research, this hypothesis is proposed that "the major damage to diplomatic relations between Tehran and Ashgabat is the exclusive focus on official diplomacy between the two countries and the neglect of new aspects in diplomatic relations, including para-diplomacy, which can be the weak points of official relations in political axes. reduce economic, cultural and social issues and improve relations between the two countries by focusing on various tools in various fields of diplomacy." Since this research is made to compare two units, the method of using it is comparative.--

Abstract Constructivism is one of the most widely used theoretical approach for analizing foreign policy. But this approach has failed yet to provide the researches with a coherent and modeled framework. Therefore, many studies have not been sufficiently aware of the theoretical, methodological and conceptual necessities that should have been considered in foreign policy analysis. For this reason, they have undergone superficial analysis and "theoretical reductionism". For example, constructivists in ontology have not addressed "anthropology" and "socialization." Such a "problem" stems from the nature of constructivism; because constructivism is a buffer and synthesis of positivism and post-structuralism, has included a paradoxical combination of objective and subjective elements in foreign policy analysis. Therefore, empirical studies require methodical theoretical studies. With the aim of compiling a research guide for constructivist researchers, the question is addressed: based on constructivism what are the theoretical foundations and requirements of research in foreign policy analysis. According to our findings, the study of foreign policy requires the analysis of constructivism in the five dimensions of ontology, epistemology, methodology, typology and conceptology. In ontology, "level of analysis" and "units of analysis" must be specified: micro level (anthropology, socialization and stateology) and macro level (international system, international organizations, international law, international structures and agents). In epistemology, the relationship between knowledge and value, subject and object, explanation and interpretation, reality and truth, material and meaning are analyzed. Ontology and epistemology determine the method of research: quantitative or qualitative. Then the type of constructivism is chosen: interpretive, critical, and post-modern or positivist. Finally, the basic conceptual constructs are extracted and defined: inter-subjectivity, constructivism, culture, identity, idea, knowledge, norm, and socialization. These five requirements indicate the complexity and difficulty of constructivist analysis of foreign policy.

Abstract Iran's military presence in Oman and Syria over the past half-century has been seen as a sign of growing regional power and influence in Iran's foreign policy. This article seeks to answer the question of why Iran was involved in the crises of the two Arab countries of Oman and Syria during the last half century, and what has this military presence achieved for Iran's national interests? To find this answer, documentary data, reliable sources and documentary methods, post-event analysis and comparative methods have been used. Findings show that despite the essential differences between the international system and the ruling political regime in Iran in the last half century, Iran's military presence in the territory of the Kingdom of Oman and the Syrian Arab Republic was to free Iran from geopolitical siege. Using the teachings of the theory of realism and the concept of offensive defense, the article shows that the achievement of Iran's overseas presence in the Oman crisis was to prevent endangering energy security and the threat of the spread of communism in the Persian Gulf region. Iran's military presence in the Syrian crisis also significantly neutralized the geopolitical threat of Salafi radicalism in the West Asian region, in addition to preserving Iran's territorial integrity.

Abstract Evolutionary research and Examining the research approaches are one of the important research field to understand the status of a discipline in a specific period of time and scientific community. Theoretical poverty in this field of study creates scientific ambiguity, An event that will eventually lead to the non-formation of effective thought circles.
In this research, based on the interdisciplinary approach, 143 scientific research articles have been studies and the first step was taken. Based on special innovative method and using computer programming, we created a random and reiable statistical society. Also, based on the Grounded Theory research method, we found five confirmed theories that they can being a guide in future researches as indicators. The results of this research represent areas of research poverty and cases of excessive attention. In this research, we found that Iranian international relations are strongly influenced by the US foreign policy and it ignores the needs of the foreign policy doctrine of Islamic Republic of Iran. Also we realized the confusion of Iranian articles in epistemology and research method wich is caused by the lack of proper education.
In this research, we did not address the causes of Iranian researchers paying too much attention to cases or their lack of attention to some issues. Finding the cause of these issues is in the field of Extra-disciplinary approach which is rooted in the environmental factors and the value system governing the thinking of Iranian international relations thinkers. The fact is that they try to distance themselves from government policy.

Abstract Introduction and Objectives: After a ten-year period of passivity in the regional equations of the Middle East, Russia entered regional issues since 2000 and with Putin coming to power, and the beginning of the Arab Spring in 2010, it gradually entered this crisis in the process of the civil war in Syria, and at the same time, it began broader regional interactions with the countries of the region, especially Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia and Israel. Therefore, if the Syrian crisis since 2012 has provided the basis for the formation of a new Middle East policy for Russia, it seems that the fall of the Syrian government in 2024 will be an important turning point in the fundamental transformation in this policy. Accordingly, the main objective of this article is to examine this important transformation and its consequences and answer the question of how to analyze Russian policy in the new period?
Methods: To discuss about the main idea of this article, we will try to use the qualitative analysis method of the hypothesis variables and their important indicators and show how they are related. Therefore, by studying the process of developments in Russian foreign policy from the beginning of the war in Ukraine in February 2022 to the fall of Damascus, the state of change in the country's priorities in other regions of the world and especially the Middle East, taking into account field realities, the National Security Strategy document in 2022, the Russian Foreign Policy Concept document in 2023, official statements of government organizations, statements by senior government officials, as well as field developments, we will qualitatively analyze them and their impact on the country's Middle East policy. Therefore, first, we will discuss the most important features of Russia's Middle East policy in the years 2010 to 2021. Then, we will examine the 2022 Ukrainian war and its impact on Russian foreign policy. Finally, we will conclude the discussions by analyzing Russia's Middle East policy in the period after the fall of the Syrian government from 2024.
Results and discussion: The findings of this article show that Russia has transformed from an important military and political actor into a purely economic actor and this situation will continue for the coming years. Therefore, the process of expanding economic relations that began since the Ukrainian war has increased again and this issue will be the main theme of regional cooperation and interactions of this country. This change was mainly raised since the beginning of the Ukrainian war and this war became such a priority for the Russian government that it overshadowed other regions and issues. In addition to indicating the internal issues, problems and limitations in Russia for pursuing two international crises at the same time, this issue also shows that Russia's regional policy has also focused more than ever on the immediate external environment, especially what is called the Russian world. From a trans-regional and global perspective, Russia will naturally not be able to engage in more conflicts, and therefore we will witness developments not only in Russia's regional policy in the Middle East but also in the global environment.
Conclusion: Despite these serious moves, Russia’s Middle East policy has been largely reactive and lacking in strategic depth. In fact, Russia’s strategic issues over the four decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union have remained largely domestic, Eurasian, and related to threats and engagement with the West. Therefore, acting in the Middle East and other regions has remained on the fringes of Russia’s main strategic issue. In the Middle East, the Kremlin’s focus has been on Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Israel, and this situation seems likely to continue. With the fall of the Assad regime in Syria, Russia’s problems have intensified and the limited possibilities for possible military and security acting have been removed from the orbit for years. With Trump’s coming to power, there is a possibility of Russia reaching an agreement with the United States and initiating peace talks with Ukraine, and it seems that if Russia can withdraw from the Ukrainian war, it will not be involved in sensitive international issues outside the immediate Eurasian environment for a long time. Therefore, it does not seem that Russia will be involved in Middle East security games for at least ten years, and Russia’s economic relations with the countries of the region will continue. If relations between Iran and the West deteriorate over the nuclear issue and a possible war with Israel or the United States breaks out, it is unlikely that Russia will play any role other than issuing a statement condemning the aggressor and calling for diplomatic channels.
Keywords: Russia, Middle East, Syria, regional balance, security strategy, economic relations