Iranian Research letter of International Politics

Abstract Complexity in international relations and regional order have force countries as one of the strategic necessities to Pay attention to active diplomacy and collective neighborhood policy to strengthen and secure national interests. In this context, Iran as a multi-neighborhood country is facing with neighbors with geopolitical characteristics, strategic and geoeconomics dignity as well as security problems. This situation requires Iran to follow multi-neighborhood foreign policy in the form of fractal neighborhood policy and the logic of the multiplex network. Respectively, the fundamental goal of this article is to explain the status of post -revolutionary Iran's neighborhood policy in a new reading. To this end, the central question of this article is how Iran's active neighborhood foreign policy as a multi-neighborhood country can be explained in the context of the international system structure? The paper hypothesis states that the use of strategic and intelligent diplomacy in Iran’s foreign policy along with pursuing, smart synergy and attention to institutional practices lead to the construction of fractal neighborhood policy.

Abstract The media plays an important role in contemporary conflicts, as visual warfare occurs alongside military confrontation. The ISIS terrorist group has demonstrated a clear example of using images as part of its war strategy by using various platforms to convey its narrative to others. This study evaluates the impact of the image of the ISIS Takfiri Front on its growth and expansion in Iraq, Syria, and the West Asian region. Therefore, the main question of the present article is what has been the advantage of ISIS psychological tactics in the light of multifaceted critical discourse analysis? The results of the descriptive-analytical study show that ISIS, through its media strategy through psychological tactics, has the ability to strategically create and maintain its image as a powerful organization in the form of projecting power, violence, and Islamic religious messages, thereby facilitating the growth and expansion of its ideology in Iraq, Syria, and other countries.

Abstract Human beings often in confronting with unfamiliar and novel events and situations, attempt to make sence them by comparisons between a present event or situation and a past one. Makesencing a current event or situation by analogizing is a mechanism or cognitive shortcut that cognitive psychology refers to it as Analogical Reasoning (AR). The present study, emphasizing the foreign policy event of  Iran'uclear negotiations and agreements - the P5+1(2013-2015), aims to show how some of political personalities and online media users have understood this event by using historical analogies. The study has used directed qualitative content analysis method for collecting and analyzing data. The findings show that the events of The Resolution 598, The Algies Accords 1981, The nationalization of the Iranian oil industry, The Turkmenchay treaty, The Sa'adabad treaty, The Golestaan treaty, The Paris treaty, Amir Kabir, Arash Kamangir, The Huddaybbiah Peace and The Imam Hassan Peace, are the historical analogies that analogizers invoked them in order to making sense the current event of  Iran's nuclear negotiations and agreements - the P5+1 (2013-2015). The findings show that of the total of 11 historical analogies used by the analogizers, the analogy of Resolution 598 and the Hudaybbiah  Peace, equally with the frequency of 22%, have been the most Popular analogies. The results show there have been an analogical battle between proponents and opponents of Iran's nuclear negotiations and agreements-the the P5+1(2013-2015), that Islamism-Iranism political rhetoric is the device  of this battle.

Abstract Measuring the level of power of countries and comparing them with each other is one of the topics studied in geopolitical knowledge. Geopolitical knowledge means the optimal use of geographical sources of power in relations between actors. Therefore, the main question of the research is how the economic power of France is compared to its regional competitors? To answer this question, the research method has been used descriptively-analytically and its purpose has been applied. The present study is conducted in two dimensions. In the first stage, the required information was studied through documentary study and libraries. Then, the goals, important strategies to achieve the goals and capabilities of France's economic power were entered into the Meta-SWOT software; Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine the competitive advantage of French economic power compared to regional competitors in Europe. The results show that according to the advantages and capabilities of France in comparison with the countries in question, there is a kind of competitiveness that can depict the level of economic power of France according to the resources and capabilities of other countries in the region. The obtained results show that the most important advantages of France's power over competitors (Norway, Belgium, Croatia, Czech Republic, Germany, England, etc.) include innovation capacity, high-tech export, scientific technology level, investment attraction. Foreign and knowledge-based economies have been the most strategic resources and economic capabilities to become economic power, respectively. And variables such as doubts and uncertainty that people have about the social and economic situation, the existing economic structure, controlling high unemployment rates, slow economic growth are considered to be the most persistent problem facing the economic power of France. Global market dominance, global trade share with 4 points, Gini index with 3.9 points, GDP and overseas investment with 3.7 points, economic complexity with 3.6 points, high-tech exports with 3.5 points, respectively, the most strategic France's economic resources and capabilities have been to become an economic power. The comparison of France's level of competition with other European competitors showed that Norway, the United Kingdom, Germany, Sweden and Switzerland had the highest level of economic competition with France.

Abstract From 1991 to today, the issue of Iraqi Kurdistan region independence is one of this region's primary goals. Massoud Barzani held the independence referendum, the head of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, to achieve this goal on 25 September 2017 and pushed Iraq to the brink of the danger of separatism and civil war. The countries of the region, such as the Islamic Republic of Iran, Turkey, and Syria, which have a minority of the Kurds, considered this a potential threat to their national security. This article seeks to answer this question: despite the holding of a referendum on Iraqi Kurdistan's independence, what scenarios can be expected for the future of this region? And what impact will it have on the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? By using the future research method and written and virtual resources, the authors devised three major scenarios on the future of the Kurdistan region. The findings suggest that the political and economic sanctions from countries of the Middle East such as Iran, Turkey, and Iraq, the death of Jalal Talabani, and the internal challenges of the Kurdish parties led to the referendum's suspension. And the future of the Kurdish region of Iraq, according to the variables of the Cantori and Spiegel model, not only does not lead to regional convergence, but a considerable divergence will take place in the Middle East and the threats posed by the level of coherence, the nature of the communications, the structure of the relationship and the level of power, and the interventionist actor to the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Abstract  
Over the past few decades, China has concentrated on numerous resources, especially new power resources, to complete its all-aspects power. This research investigates the different reason for China’s increasing participation in international institutions as well as creating new economic and financial institutions. Findings show that China has taken a non-aggressive and peaceful approach to participating in international institutions and in some cases creates regional and international institutions (such as Shanghai Cooperation Organization, BRICS, and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank) in order to change and strengthen its international position, and to change global security and economic arrangements.  This approach, which stems from the dominance of the pragmatic approach in Chinese foreign policy, includes three stages of refusal, participation, and institutionalization in the international arena. The method of this research is a descriptive-analytical method.
 
 
 

Abstract The ruling on jurisdiction in the Myanmar situation at the request of its prosecutor has a new achievement that has no precedent in the ICC jurisprudence. The prosecutor’s request for the ruling on jurisdiction is based on Article 19(3) of the Statute. However, the exercise of jurisdiction in the Myanmar situation is hampered by its non-membership in the ICC. But Pre-trial seek by establishing a connection between Articles 19(3) and 12(2)(a) of the Statute to provide a new achievement for all non-states party in the ICC, whose dimensions are important and one of the aims and subject of this article. The research method is descriptive-analytical and relies on the provisions of the Statute and the ICC’s jurisprudence to answer the main question of the research. The research question is what is the achievement of the ICC ruling on jurisdiction in the Myanmar situation for the international community? The findings show that the extension of the ICC jurisdiction from the Member State of Bangladesh’s territory to the non-member state of Myanmar’s territory is an achievement of the ruling on jurisdiction in the Myanmar situation, which has been missing in its jurisprudence. Accordingly, the criminal situation of states due to their non-membership in the ICC or non-referral of their situation by the UN Security Council is no longer beyond the ICC jurisdiction if the offense is committed in the ICC state party and non-state party’s territories. In these circumstances, the membership of one state has a positive effect on the non-membership of another state, and its criminal situation puts it before the ICC’s judges.

Abstract way that fighting it for the current generation and the international system; It has become a "natural" thing that should always be dealt with at any level and direction, this thinking has of course been popularized by the intellectual and political circles of "America" ​​and has been instilled as an undeniable "truth" to everyone. U.S.A has taken advantage of all its theoretical and practical possibilities, including discoursive, conceptual, economic, media, military… mechanisms.to convince the world that it has the upper hand in the fight against terrorism and that it is even possible to fight the basic principles of international law in the fight against this phenomenon. Therefore, by resorting to the facilities available to him, he has been able to form domination and subjugation and, in Foucault's terms, a disciplinary society. The current research seeks to analyze this domination and control with regard to the historicity of the events with Foucault's genealogical method. According to the stages of Foucault's genealogy, the present article comes to the conclusion that the "fight against terrorism" as claimed by the United States, was not so benevolent and did not aim at peace, but it is still possible to trace the interests of the United States and its hegemony in this policy. Found. Discontinuities and analysis of the origin and strength of the American foreign policy in the study of the fight against terrorism show that the United States has created the terrorist as "otherness" to build its new nature.
 
 
 

Abstract In today's globalized world, cultural and economic relations have become increasingly interconnected, and cultural multilateralism, as a key approach in international interactions, can play an important role in facilitating and expanding economic exchanges. Multilateralism is one of the new topics that can have a significant impact on Iran-Turkey relations. Therefore, considering the historical relations and extensive cultural connections between these two countries, cultural multilateralism can be important as an effective tool for strengthening economic cooperation. Therefore, considering the increasing importance of cultural exchange in strengthening and developing economic relations and the importance of the role of cultural diplomacy and cultural joint cooperation as an effective tool in consolidating economic relations and developing trade cooperation at the bilateral and regional levels, this study examines the effects of cultural multilateralism on the development of economic exchanges between the two countries of Iran and Turkey. The main question is, what effect does cultural multilateralism have on the development of economic exchanges between Iran and Türkiye? The hypothesis of this research is based on the concept that cultural exchanges play an important role in facilitating economic relations and lead to the reduction of communication barriers and increased cooperation between Iran and Turkey. This research uses an analytical method and inference of findings to analyze the effects of cultural interactions between Iran and Turkey on the economic development of the two countries. The results of the research show that strengthening cultural relations through cultural events, education and artistic cooperation can lead to strengthening mutual trust, reducing trade barriers and increasing investment opportunities.

Abstract The security crisis in Afghanistan decreased between 2001-2008 due to the fall of the Taliban regime and the role of the United States and NATO in that country. However, violence, casualties, terrorist attacks, the activities of terrorist groups and warlords, feelings of insecurity among ordinary citizens and political elites, as well as the instability of Afghanistan's institutions and political system, have increased since 2008. Simultaneously, the role of regional actors in supporting non-governmental and local groups have expanded over time. This article seeks to answer the question of what factors contributed to the spread of insecurity and security crises in Afghanistan from since 2008? To answer this question, security theories and in particular the approaches of Barry Buzan, Mohammad Ayoob, and Richard Little have been used. The findings illustrate that differences in the idea of ​​government influenced by ethnicity and religion, fragmented society, declining government legitimacy, terrorist groups and warlords and the relationship of these factors with the security environment in which more powerful states such as Pakistan are playing have expanded Afghanistan's security challenges since 2008. 

Abstract descriptive-analytical hypothesis was that China seeks to expand its economic, political, and strategic influence in the region and the world to become a hegemonic power. Along the way, the country, through its Belt and Road initiative, especially lending to infrastructure projects called "public goods" to countries along its route, is trapping these countries in its circle and making them a platform for used its regional and global influence. This approach has created a negative perception of China in the eyes of international public opinion, and this has led China to move away from it instead of approaching the hegemonic position. The findings of the paper show that if countries have a negative perception of the public goods in the realm of international relations, the acquisition, maintenance, and promotion of the hegemonic position will be challenged.
 
 
 

Abstract European Integration Process have always been suspected in various countries of the Green Continent. Although Euroscepticism, which dates back to a period of suspicion, reluctance, and skepticism about these Processes, peaked and emerged with the election, the process of negative convergence with the EU and other arrangements in other societies and states also existed. Perhaps the most striking of these centrifugal tendencies can be traced to northern Europe and the Nordic region. The question that arises here is how the Eurosceptic flow in the Nordic basin is formulated. In response to the existence of Eurosceptic tendencies at the three levels of social system, political system and party system, in the Nordics in general and in Norway, Iceland, Sweden, Denmark and Finland, the formation of opposing currents towards the convergence process. Europe is being considered. The present study is applied in terms of purpose and descriptive-analytical in terms of method and library type in terms of data collection.

Abstract At the beginning of the 21st century, Latin America experienced an unprecedented wave of victories by leftist presidential candidates. Turning left is a significant development in an area where strong neoliberal political and economic policies emerged after the Cold War. The main purpose of this study is to explain the various causes and factors for the emergence of new leftist governments in Latin America. The main question of this study is, "How did the new leftist governments come to power in Latin America, and what were the factors influencing the left turn in the region?". The hypothesis is that "various national, regional, and international factors have contributed to the left turn in Latin America, and the rise of these new leftist has had significant national and regional implications". The conceptual framework of this research is the World-Systems Theory of John Foran and to study the details, we have used the descriptive-analytical research method. According to the results of this study, the return of leftism in Latin America in the period 1998-2010 was due to long-term structural factors, such as inequality and institutional democracy; There have also been short-term factors such as the inefficiency of the neoliberal economic model in the region and the economic crisis of 1998-2002. The boom in basic goods after 2002 also provided the resources needed to consolidate the dominance of left-wing parties.

Abstract Changes in the post-ISIS Middle East and the emergence of new security threats have given Turkey a new understanding of its role in the regional and international environment, the focal point of which is strengthening through activation in the region and dynamics. New is international. Based on this new strategy, Turkey seeks to balance its foreign policy in the Middle East and the international environment. For this reason, it pursues the strategy of "both the West and the East" in its short and medium term in its foreign policy in order to become its main goal in the long run, which is to become an independent world power with Turkish-Islamic values. Using neo-realist theory and descriptive-analytical method, this study seeks to answer the question of what is Turkey's foreign policy strategy in the post-conflict Middle East? The research findings show that the components of Turkey's foreign policy strategy in the political field are reviewing in relation to ISIL, regionalism with a touch of internationalism, re-establishing relations with Syria, maintaining the balance of power with Iran and looking at Russia is seeking to regain its regional role in the Middle East. In the economic field, the policy is the stabilization of energy resources and the development of regional and international economic cooperation. In the cultural field, it seeks to strengthen soft power and expand its influence in the Middle East.

Abstract The myth of internal/ external distinction in foreign policy analysis has been questioned for a long time. Despite that, Iran's foreign policy in the second Pahlavi is mostly analyzing according to structural theories. This paper considers most of the Iranian foreign policy determinants in the second Pahlavi era. The current research investigates the foreign relations patterns in the second Pahlavi era. According to documents and the history of foreign relations, three patterns are distinguished. Disperse order, in which high social participation and weak state structure are its characteristics, appears in confronting different orientations, indecisiveness, stalemate, and crisis in foreign relations. Centralized order emerges when social forces are marginalized or removed. Arbitrary decision making, regional intervention, external lavishing, questioning great powers are outcomes of this order in foreign policy. In the middle, keep a balance between social participation and state capacity bring about peaceful and cooperative behaviors in foreign relations such as finding foreign political and financial support, unity with tremendous and regional powers, and win the international institutions' support. As a result, balance order, as productive and low-cost, 

Abstract The decisions taken by the International Criminal Court in different steps of the proceedings may face the resistance who are mainly political, military or security officials or their suzerain states. Resistances can be divided into two types of severe (Backlash) and mild (Pushback) in essence. The first type of resistances can cause the breaking up or invalidation of decision of this institution. In contrast, mild resistances not only do not seek to break up court, but can cause reduction or elimination of possible defects of the Court’s proceedings. However, instances of these resistances may overlap each other in practice. Terminating the membership in the court or lacking of cooperation of some African governments with this institution is considered mild resistances as long as it does not lead to the breaking up of the court or serious disruption in its work. The establishment a new courts and judicial parallelism, such as the African Criminal Court for the trial of Hissene Habre, sanction of the court officials, such as the cancellation of the visas of the court’s prosecutor in the case of American crimes in Afghanistan by the US government, withdrawing jurisdiction of the court that took places by Libyan government in the case of Saif al-Islam Gaddafi and finally, obstructing along the goals of the court, which has been the policy adopted by various American governments as a non-member state of the court, based on the scope of their impact on the court proceeding and continuation of the activity of this institution or lack of it, can lead to either mild or severe resistances.

Abstract This article examines the Arab League’s approach to the Syrian crisis and its regional consequences in the period 2020-2024. Focusing on the Arab League’s shift from confrontation to re-engagement with the government of Bashar al-Assad, this study analyzes the factors affecting this shift and its regional consequences. The main research question is what factors caused the Arab League’s shift in approach to engagement with the Syrian government in the period 2020-2024, and what consequences did this shift have for the region? The results show that factors such as the subsiding of the civil war, the disappointment of key Arab League countries over the victory of the Syrian government opposition and the stabilization of the Assad government, security concerns arising from terrorist groups, and the continuation of the Syrian refugee crisis in Arab countries neighboring Syria have changed the attitude of Arab League member countries towards re-engagement with the Syrian government in the period 2020-2024. Among the important consequences of this change in approach are, to some extent, the reduction of security threats, the management of Syrian refugees, and the control of arms, drug, and terrorist smuggling from Syria to other parts of the Arab world. This research used a descriptive-analytical method and the data collection method was library and online..

Abstract The European Union has an important role in international politics and because of its global strategy,  it intends to have an active role in international system. So, to achieve this goal, having some strategic allies across the world is necessary. According to EU, s strategy, there are some challenges around the world, such as in Asia, needed to be considered. Europe wants to work together to tackle challenges and counter threats. India, meanwhile, plays an important role in the EU's Asian strategy. The study discusses what role does India play in the EU's Asian strategy? Hypothetically, it seems that, Europe, in its strategic partnership strategy, is considering working with India as a balancing player in Asia to counter the threats. This essay is discussed on the balance of power theory. The research design is descriptive and analytical. The Related information and data are also analyzed qualitatively. In research, it has been found that Europe in some cases such as Maritime Security; Counter-Terrorism; Managing China's Rise; Afghanistan Security; Climate change; The modernization of the Indian military, and the fight against infectious diseases share a common vision with India, and as a result, India could have a balancing role line with the EU strategy in Asia.
 

Abstract The 20-year period of US presence in Afghanistan after 2001 was one of the periods in which conflict and insecurity continued to prevail in Afghanistan. Various factors can be mentioned for this insecurity, one of which has been the competition of foreign actors in Afghanistan.The present study seeks to answer the question of what consequences the US-Iranian rivalry and conflict have had for Afghanistan's national security?The research hypothesis is that the US-Iran conflict in Afghanistan has weakened Afghanistan's national security by increasing the armed conflict, weakening the Afghan government , and reducing the growth of trade relations between Iran and Afghanistan.To test the hypothesis, the theoretical framework of national security and explanatory method have been used. In this regard, on the one hand, some regional and international issues in dispute between the two countries and on the other hand, some differences between them regarding Afghanistan, have provided the ground for competition and conflict between them in Afghanistan.Therefore, the policy of the two countries towards Afghanistan has a completely security basis and the pursuit of the parties to ensure their national interests has led them to act against each other's interests in Afghanistan.The findings show that these measures have implications for Afghanistan's national security in military, political and economic dimensions.

Abstract China's foreign policy dramatically changed in the post-Mao era as Mao's ideological approach was replaced by an ambition for economic development gaining a share of the world economy. In the meantime, China has resorted to multilateral organizations and institutions to make an impact on international politics. The Chinese elite’s new strategic perception contributed to this shift. This article investigates the background based on which Chinese foreign policy shifted from ideological confrontation to participatory development as well as the role of multilateral organizations and institutions in this process. This research argues that multilateral organizations and institutions are very important in the post-Mao Chinese foreign participatory developmental policy. China's foreign policy will first move towards institutional participation and later towards institutional balancing
 

Abstract "Why could not Trump succeed in introducing the Islamic Republic of Iran as a threat to international security?" This study seeks to answer the above question by applying the concept of "Macrosecuritisation" proposed by the Copenhagen school and is part of the theory of "securitisation".
This study seeks to answer the main question: "What are the reasons for the failure of Trump's Macrosecuritisation Speech act of the Islamic Republic of Iran?" It hypothesizes that Trump's failure to Macrosecuritisation of the Islamic Republic of Iran stems from five factors: 1) the inability to present the Islamic Republic as a macro-threat to the macro security Referent Object. Here, the world community (or at least the Western bloc), and to be more precise, disregards to the external aspect of the facilitating conditions of Securitization, 2) the lack of a unity of negatives as one of the success factors of a Macrosecuritisation 3) Lack of persuasion of the audience and, more precisely, inability to turn ordinary audiences into supportive audiences 4) Lack of adding a universalist dimension to Macrosecuritisation Speech act of the Islamic Republic 5) Lack of selection of appropriate watch words and terms words that can be invoked to move specific issues into the realm of securitisation without elaborate arguments about the securityness of the specific case.

Abstract Defense diplomacy has bourn with military power, which must use it in diplomacy in times of war and peace. Due to the international system's turn into a complex and chaotic pattern, power as the central dynamic of defense diplomacy has changed to a networked model. Structural, process, construction, and algorithmic complexity are the main defining features of it. With the emergence of nonlinear international systems and related theoretical debates, the International Relations literature has severe backwardness in explaining defense diplomacy's analytical apparatus. Therefore this fundamental question has been raised as the present study's direct engagement: how the defense diplomacy analytical apparatus conceptually will be reconstructed based on the Principles and foundations of complex and chaotic systems theory. In response to this question, and using the abduction method, which emphasizes the emerging facts and finding the best explanation for them, this article presents multi-layered network defense diplomacy as an innovative concept in the international relations literature. This concept envisions it as a multi-layered network with a core consisting of unit-based control systems. Other control systems that will deploy on these are support systems. All these form a single control system with a functional linkage between its layers, which operates in a hybrid model.

Abstract Among the reasons for the formation of the BRICS organization are the financial crises and the problems of dependence on the dollar, for this reason, the member countries of this organization have tried to increase the power of their central banks by carrying out the processes called de-dollarization. Iran is one of the countries that has become a member of the BRICS organization, and at the same time, it is under the influence of sanctions and dependence on the dollar. Therefore, the aim of the current research is the feasibility of de-dollarization of Iran's economy based on the BRICS membership based on the theory of de-dollarization. Considering that the two countries China and Russia are using their global exchange systems and both are members of BRICS, the question has been raised that according to the economic agreements of BRICS, what advantages will membership in this organization bring to Iran and how the field of dollarization for Will it provide Iran? The hypothesis of the research is that according to the activity of the global exchange systems of China and Russia in front of SWIFT, the use of BRICS economic cooperation is a suitable platform for Iran's dollarization. In order to investigate the current situation, the data from 1996 to 2020 has been analyzed using the time series technique. The findings of the research indicate that the BRICS membership, in addition to providing the basis for increasing economic exchanges, will also provide a suitable platform for de-dollarization of Iran's trade, considering the extent of partner countries in the systems of China and Russia. At the same time, it should be noted that dollarization does not mean abandoning the dollar as a currency in international exchanges, and it only refers to increasing diversity in the currency portfolio of countries.

Abstract In the last two decades, parallel to the globalization of communication, the influence of the media in increasing the soft power of countries has increased. China and India are among the countries that have taken effective steps towards paying attention to their soft power by revising their foreign policy since the 1990s. These two countries have tried to use social networks and media in increasing soft power. Considering the importance of investigating the influence of the media on the soft power of China and India, the main question of the research is, what effect did the media have on the increase of the soft power of China and India in the international system? The findings of this research, relying on the comparative study method and using the conceptual framework of soft power under the components of inducing a positive international image, public diplomacy, and economic and cultural capabilities, show that China has highly controlled and heavily censored media; However, media such as Xinhua have been much more effective and successful in showing economic and cultural capabilities as well as public diplomacy focusing on China's mediation role in the region and China's Belt and Road Initiative. On the other hand, in India, the domestic media has less global influence and impact. Still, it has a more diverse media landscape with a mix of public and private media, which is in the index of inducing a positive international image of India and Indian public diplomacy with a focus on gaining trust and credibility. India's international and cultural capabilities have been more influential than China's.

Abstract Today, regionalism and regional cooperation is a proper context to fortify national states’ power and different states seek multilateral development in the shadow of regional cooperation. Based on this fact, different organizations have been formed in Asia, but they have not been able to create a sustainable and effective union in the global decision-making process. This paper using descriptive- analytic method is intended to investigate the causes and factors which prevent the formation of such a union in Southeast, South and Southwest regions of Asia. The research main question here is that “why a sustainable and effective union has not been formed in Southeast, South and Southwest regions of Asia”. This paper argues that some geopolitical-geographic, political, cultural, economic and perceptional factors prevent the formation of a sustainable and effective in Southeast, South and Southwest regions of Asia. Also, regionalism is classic in these regions and the state nature and type is one of the most important factors in this relation.