Iranian Research letter of International Politics

Abstract China has actively pursued health diplomacy in the post-Corona era. The current research investigates the goals, motives and functions of Chinese health diplomacy. China's motivation is politico-economic, its goal is soft power, and its function is economic-political advantages. This research follows a qualitative method and analytical-explanatory approach. Research data was collected from the press and digital sources. The findings show that China's health diplomacy, unlike during the Cold War, is no longer influenced by ideology, and that the country pursues economic-political targets. Beijing has used health diplomacy to promote its soft power in the world over the past three decades, especially after the global coronavirus outbreak. The United States and Europe’s negligence of Africa’s medical needs has led China to expand its health diplomacy in most African countries. The African demand for provide preventive equipment during the coronavirus outbreak, as well as the provision of vaccines in 2021, created unique opportunities for Beijing.
 
 
 

Abstract After Soviet, the Russia's strategies had declined due to its internal challenges, and continued until the first decade of 21 century, but with occurring Arab Spring and appearance of Daesh in Middle East, there was another opportunity for Russian influence in the region and Its international position Revival. In this article, which was conducted with approach of neoclassical realism and with an explanatory-analytical method, the aim was to study strategic changes of Russian political-security and economic paradigm in post-daesh Middle East. findings showed that after a period of recovering internal power and solving inner governmental problems, the Russia has gradually expanded its relations with Middle East. The crisis in Syria and Iraq in second decade of 21 century opened the door for more military-security, political and economic influence for Russians, and in competition with West, they expanded their base and position in Middle East, as they reasserted themselves as a great power in international arena. after Daesh, Russia extended its influence more by expanding political-economic relations with Arab and non-Arab countries in Middle East and made Different coalitions and Security-advisory-military contracts and political- commercial agreements. The results showed that post-daesh Russia seeks to maintain its forces and weapons to establish military bases, and has desire more stable influence in competition with West and US hegemony for greater political-security and economic benefits in Middle East.

Abstract  
 The model of economic convergence in the context of interactive - Dissipated political economy in today's world is a model of order in world politics, and the pursuit of such a model helps to power - maker, gain credibility and international weight of countries. Interaction-oriented and diffuse political economy Since the 2000s, Qatar political construction has emerged as an inevitable necessity for the production of regional-international power. This approach by Qatar's system of governance means that the country must act as a viable and balanced actor in regional and supra-regional communication cluster-building and networking to a stable economic and political relationship to secure international interests and prestige. The question now is how Qatar's model of political economy has functioned as a component of power generation in the international system, and what are the characteristics of this model? Using descriptive-analytical method and relying on library resources and examining Qatar's economic information, this study seeks to explain Qatar's interactive geoeconomics from the perspective of political economy as the basis for power-building the country in the international system. The results show that the interactive dimensions of Qatar's political economy seek adaptation and self-expansion in the international system.
 
 

Abstract  
The implementation of Turkey's huge dam construction projects on the international rivers Tigris, Euphrates and Ars has caused various consequences for the neighboring countries. This action has brought reactions from the downstream governments that are directly related to the rights of these governments and the obligations of the upstream government from the perspective of international law. Although Turkey responded to these criticisms and justified the construction of dams as an internal issue within the framework of national sovereignty, but in terms of the consequences of this Turkish policy for the surrounding countries, it cannot be considered limited to national sovereignty. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to investigate the legal aspects of Turkey's dam construction (Gap and DAP) based on the logic of its consequences on the surrounding countries (Iran, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Syria and Iraq). The main question of the research is that Turkey's huge dam constructions in the form of GAP and DAP projects can be interpreted from a legal point of view with which domestic law and international law cases? which, with a descriptive-analytical method, evaluates the hypothesis that Turkey's numerous dams on the international rivers Tigris, Euphrates and Aras in the form of GAP and DAP projects, from an internal point of view, violate the first article of the rights of minorities and article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. From an international point of view, it is contrary to Article 5 of the rule of fair use in international waterway rights and in conflict with the rule of no damage, the principle of prevention and caution in international environmental law.
 

Abstract Procedural Principles Ruling the Utilization of Tigris-Euphrates River Basin. Procedural principles represent a normative framework and play a notable role in regulating water law. In addition, procedural principles could help in preventing the occurrence of disputes. Cooperation, evaluation of environmental impacts and the principle of information and consultation with related countries are the most important procedural principles. These obligations reflect customary rules of law and also are specified in many bilateral, multilateral and international documents. Considering procedural principles together with the practice of Tigris-Euphrates basin countries illustrates that although the neighbouring countries are members of multiple international and bilateral agreements and organs, but in practice the region lacks an effective and sustainable approach in implementing the procedural obligations, which has been leaded to negative impacts on substantial obligations such as no harm and equitable and reasonable utilization.
Tigris and Euphrates basin, Procedural Principles, Obligation to Cooperation, Obligation to Evaluate Environmental Impacts, Obligation to Information and Consultation

Abstract Managing regional crises requires the formation of cooperation and intgration between countries in the region. Solving environmental crises is one of the issues that is no exception. Obviously, in the absence of regional convergence, managing this crisis will face a real challenge. The environmental crisis, in particular the crisis of the microstats, which has been a serious challenge to the Middle East region in recent years, calls for regional cooperation. But contrary to expectations, countries in the region have not been willing to form a cooperative regime. In this research, the barriers to the formation of this convergence have been investigated. The question is, what are the barriers to the establishment of an environmental cooperation regime in the Middle East? The thesis hypothesis is that managing environmental crises requires a set of factors such as consensus, multilateral diplomacy and international regimes, in the current Middle East region, the existence of crises and political conflicts, including the occupation of Iraq, the developments of 2011 Its implications as well as hydropolitan disputes between countries in the region have created unfavorable conditions for the management of environmental crises, including the problem of waterfalls. In this thesis, the analytical-descriptive method has been used.
 

Abstract Considering the fact that some researchers call the 21st century the century of Asia, especially East Asia, it indicates that the political geography of this century is in the struggle for power of various regional and international actors. Also, the position of power is changing more or less from the West to the East of the world or from Europe to Asia.China is a newly emerging country in the East Asian region, which has occupied the second place in the world due to its capacities in the last two to three decades, especially in the economic dimension. And it can be said that East Asia is one of the most important economic pillars in the international system today.This situation has sensitized other powers, including the United States of America, and forced them to balance forces with this newly emerging power.The American military-industrial complex secures its interests by being present in different regions of the world, especially by supporting countries in conflict with China.The research question is how China's defense security is provided against the performance of the military-industrial complexes of the United States of America?The collection of data in the library method and the research findings in the descriptive-analytical method show that since 2000, with the growing military power and with the strategy of rejuvenating the great Chinese nation, improving the all-round national power of the government, accelerating the modernization and strengthening of the People's Liberation Army and the strategy of developing military-civilian fusion, China has been able to develop its security personnel in the spectrum A complete set of land, air, sea as well as nuclear, space, electronic warfare and cyber space operations against the effects of the military-industrial complex.

Abstract Abstract
With taking of power by Mohammed bin Salman in Saudi Arabia and rising of China as a great power, the development of foreign relations has become the focus of the two statets' foreign policy. So the main question is, what are the reasons for the expansion of these political, economic and cultural interactions between China and Saudi Arabia? The hypothetical hypothesis is that the expansion of Sino-Saudi interaction is due to three main reasons: first) China's guarantee of stable access to energy resources and diversification of its market share by Saudi Arabia, and second) competition and tension Regional and international, third) efforts to prevent the spread of extremist Islamism. Using Waltz's theory of realism, the findings show that Chinese leaders have sought to balance power in the face of US economic pressures by designing a one-way belt project and engaging Saudi interests with the project while accessing the country's energy. The United States has sought to strike a balance of power against Saudi Arabia's expansion of influence in the region, as well as to reduce tensions and pressure from the United States. The United States has been committed to Saudi Arabia by creating a new strategic ally at the regional and international levels. The method of data collection in this research is based on the library method and the research method is based on the descriptive-analytical method.
 
 

Abstract With the rise of China and its stable economic growth in the new millennium, the New Silk Road has caught eyes and thoughts as the most significant international initiative.  Indeed, One Belt One Road is the most ambitious megaproject, expressing China's will and capacity for external power projection. In the contemporary world, there are rare projects with a huge ramification for the transformation of international security and power arrangement within Iran's periphery, particularly Central Asia.  Within this context, the New Silk Road is an exceptional grand-strategy, affecting geopolitics of Central Asia, in particular, and Greater Eurasia, in general.  Central Asia has been geographically and historically the center of gravity of the Silk Road, controlling roads from China to Iran and the Middle East, as well as South Asia and Southern Russia. From this point of view, the present article shows the significance of Central Asia, Xinxiang and Afghanistan with a huge ramification in shaping trends of the new Silk Road.

Abstract According to the terms of the investment treaties, one of the conditions for sea economic activities is the link between such activities and the host state's maritime zones. Therefore, every move has the protection of treaties when they are within the national jurisdiction of the parties to the treaty. Hence, it is difficult to expand the protection of treaties for investment beyond national jurisdiction. Besides, the lack of clear regulations in this field challenges future investments. The fundamental question is how to gain protection under investment agreements beyond the maritime areas of states? The present paper aims to resolve the existing challenge using quantitative and qualitative methods and achieved results. First, in the analysis of investment agreements, Iran and the European Union have used three explicit, implicit, and silence approaches in defining the scope of their territory, and in this regard, in the "Energy Charter Treaty (1994)" and the "EU and Canada treaty (2016), which have taken an explicit approach on territory, have referred to the "nature of economic activity and investment" in response to the challenge, which is the solution to this challenge. Second, it does not encompass any kind of nature, but only implies the "nature of the economic activity and investment with a global approach" that can be applied more precisely to "investment or economic activity in cables and pipelines" because they have a global nature and are currently the only example of economic activity that steps into the high sea and to effective, the protection has to accompany with the economic activity. Therefore, by inferring from the case of "Deutsche Bank v. Sri Lanka" and the application of arguments on economic activity and investment in cables and pipelines with a global nature, the 

Abstract Revolutionary developments in information and communication technology have provided a profound impact on the socio-economic formation of societies and the reformulation of the international political economy system. The changes that have taken place provide the context for the importance of the intangible aspects of power and have introduced new forms of power, the most important of which is relational power. Relational power in other spaces is a form of power that is the product of the type of view and policy-making, and as a result of the direction and exploitation of this field, and is constructed socially. In the digital age, the advent of social networks has increased the importance of relational power, as it is an important factor in determining the legitimacy of governments. The purpose of this article is to investigate the situation of cyber power in the Islamic Republic of Iran at a time when cyberspace has become the man element of power and wealth and in the light of the dynamics of information and communication technology? The research has used quantitative-qualitative method to achieve its goals.

Abstract  
crisis of Azerbaijan was an event that is very important to investigate. The beginning and the end of Azerbaijan's crisis can be discussed at three levels: individual level and emphasis on the actions of those such as Ja'far Pishevari and Ahmad Qavam, national level; The role of oppression of the first Pahlavi government to the people of Azerbaijan as the cause of the crisis and the approaches of national institutions (army, parliament and government) in ending it; And finally, the international level, where the role of the Allied leaders in World War II should be emphasized as an important factor in the beginning and end of the crisis.  In this regard, this article has tried to analyze this event in the framework of the international order and the confrontation of great powers. In this framework, the question that is investigated in this research is as follows: How can the similarities and differences between the behavior of the United States and UK in the Azerbaijan crisis be analyzed? This research emphasizes that considering that the Second World War is a time when the former hegemon gives its place to the new hegemon, within the framework of Wallerstein's World-systems theory and emphasizing the concept of hegemony, it is possible to compare the behavior pattern of the two great powers of the world in this event. In this framework, this article has investigated this important event with a comparative approach and through the collection of library data.
 
 
 

Abstract U.S. unilateral sanctions against Iran conflict with the fundamental principles of international law and the provisions of the UN Charter, lacking legal legitimacy. Under the collective security system, the determination of threats to peace and the imposition of coercive measures fall within the exclusive authority of the Security Council, and any unilateral action outside this framework violates state sovereignty and equality. Sanctions, particularly when extraterritorial, infringe upon fundamental human rights, including the rights to life, health, and an adequate standard of living, while also limiting the right to development. By weakening domestic stability, exacerbating humanitarian crises, and destabilizing the region, such measures constitute a threat to international peace and security. Peace achieved through human rights violations is fragile and unsustainable. In sum, U.S. unilateral sanctions against Iran violate human rights and undermine the collective security system of the UN, posing a serious threat to the rule of law and lasting peace.

Abstract Brazil is one important country in Latin American region, after Cold War with its trade-economic developments played a constructive role in world peace and security. In this study, which was conducted based on qualitative method, describing phenomena-analysis-inference, and with the approach of development and nationalism, the question was asked whether changes in Brazil's economic-trade strategy and policies affect integration of countries and their convergence. It has had an impact on their interactions and, consequently, what effect has it had on regional and global peace and security process? Brazil, as a country from south, has changed its approach to cooperation with central and surrounding countries, especially in field of economics and trade, and has been able to take an effective step in integrating different countries with various agreements and creation of international groups. Establishing relative peace and security in most global regions. findings show that Brazil emerged as an emerging power through changes in its economy and politics, and by establishing a policy of mainly economic cooperation in the Latin American region, trade agreements outside framework of World Trade Organization and Doha Round Agreement such as South-South Agreement and Also, cooperation with emerging powers and actions of this kind has been able to help create peace and convergence in world, as well as a new chapter in creating more international security through multilateral interactions with southern and northern countries. results show Brazil's success in trade and economic cooperation for peace and security in South American region as well as globally.

Abstract Despite the over seven decades of Myanmar's independence, United Nations concerns and at the head of that Secretary-General have remained about the Rohingya Muslim minority. Deprivation of citizenship and lack of recognition as an ethnic-religious have always provided the context to apply discriminatory behavior based on violence, crime and human rights violations against this minority. Along with media reflection about this tragedy in the world and expectation of the United Nations to address this issue, UN Secretary-General has been constantly monitoring and reviewing the situation of the Rohingya people through appointing two special advisers consist of The Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide and The Special Adviser on the Responsibility to Protect. In this study, with the aim of reviewing the actions and measures had been taken against the Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar and UN Secretary-General's reaction to it, the main question is that, what role has the UN Secretary-General played in the violent actions of the Myanmar government against the Rohingya minority during 2016 and 2017? In response, with using descriptive and analytical approach it is assumed that the United Nations Secretary-General with awareness of the unfair and inhuman conditions of the Rohingya Muslim minority in Myanmar over the past decades, has played a role in bringing global attention to the situation of Muslim Myanmar by adopting new approaches and new tools at the United Nations. The results of the research illustrate that, despite the efforts of the Secretary-General at the head of the UN Secretariat criminal acts against them have continued in 2016 and 2017.

Abstract China actively participated in the BRICS initiative in recent years. China uses the BRICS membership to forge political-economic power and present its dissatisfaction with the distribution of power in international politics. This paper examines the process of China-led BRICS operation to redistribute power under certain conditions. The authors use a historical method and descriptive-analytical approach based on library resources to investigate the roots and logic of China's strategy in initiatives such as the BRICS in a US-dominated world. The findings show that China has pursued a Grand-pattern of balancing at the domestic and foreign levels; therefore, active participation in initiatives such as BRICS represents an aspect of external balance of the Chinese grand  pattern To redistribute power through a soft balance strategy. The authors further identify the major soft balancing tactics that China employs through the BRICS, including  Economic diplomacy .
 
 

Abstract  One of the central issues is the impact of the idea and assumption of strategic loneliness on the goals, motives, and regional strategies of the decision-making elites of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the tense and critical area of West Asia. The current research investigates why the Islamic Republic of Iran suffers from strategic loneliness, and which doctrines have it used to get out of strategic loneliness? The study hypothesizes that the change of regime from Pahlavi to the Islamic Republic caused, on the one hand, Iran to have practically no stable and robust ally except Syria. On the other hand, a front of allies within the region and beyond has surrounded the country. This issue has led Iran to endogenous deterrence and abroad activities to cope with foreign threats. The findings show that supporting liberation movements, blocking threat sources, confronting the United States, deterring US regional allies, alongside prominent strategies such as regional ban and counter-access, unconventional land and sea warfare, classical and neo-ballistic missile deterrence, drone industry, Hezbollah model, and Lebanonization, alliances with trans-regional actors, religious and cultural diplomacy indicate the wrong idea of strategic loneliness. Iran follows these policies to get out of strategic loneliness and regional isolation. The research method is qualitative and refers to the primary library documents. 

Abstract The constructivism paradigm places the construction of identity at its core. The definition of "friend" and "enemy" and the formation of national interests are possible based on this definition in the field of foreign policy. This article draws upon the teachings of Alexander Wendt in order to adopt an approach to constructivism. It employs an exploratory methodology, eschewing the formulation of hypotheses, with the aim of elucidating the manner in which the concept of national interests has been constructed in the minds of Iranian statesmen over the past century. The findings of this research, based on an analysis of the discourse content of a number of the most important academic works about Iran's contemporary foreign policy, demonstrate that the West is a significant factor in redefining Iran's national interests and foreign policy strategies. The question of how Iran has confronted the West in its foreign relations is a significant one. This has resulted in the development and formation of two macro-images in the collective memory of Iranian leaders regarding the West, namely, the West as "another friend" and the West as "an enemy other". This classification has led to the formation of different strategies in the history of contemporary Iran's foreign relations. The concepts of "positive nationalism" and "national independent policy" represent the identity paradigm of Iran's national interests based on friendship with the west. In contrast, the strategies of "negative balance" and "neither east nor west" exemplify the identity paradigm of Iran's national interests based on enmity with the west.

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Abstract:
The Special Tribunal for Lebanon, as an international court that is considered among the third generation of international criminal courts and has the authority to issue judgments in absentia, in 2020 in the case of Salim Jamil Ayash and others, has issued a sentence of conviction and punishment. In the following article, the analysis of the performance of the Lebanese special court in issuing a sentence of conviction and sentence of punishment has been discussed. hypothesis in the following lines is that the said court did not follow the legal rules as it should be for an international court. In order to verify the proposed hypothesis, the present research has been carried out with a descriptive-analytical method and with regard to collecting mostly qualitative information in a library method. The following article, through the analysis of the court's performance in the above-mentioned case, has validated its hypothesis and shown that the special Tribunal for Lebanon acted weakly and without providing legal and reasonable arguments, with a superficial look at the events and not rules and with a selective approach, it has issued a sentence for conviction and similarly, it has acted very narrowly in issuing a sentence for punishment. This has never happened before in other decisions of international criminal courts. Criticism of this court procedure is the topic of the upcoming article.
 
 

Abstract The Genealogy and construction of Iran's foreign policy after the revolution towards the United States has been based on the traumatic memories of Iranians from this country, especially the 1953 Iranian coup d'état. The connection of these memories with the lack of pursuit of transitional justice and appropriate politics of memory by the United States and creation of new negative memories, has led to the continuation of post-traumatic situation in Iran-US relations. On the other hand, the will of the revolutionary and Islamic government of Iran has been focused on the fight against global arrogance, led by the United States. In this regard, memory conflict became one of the important dimensions of Iran's approach to the United States. Also, after the revolution, Iranians sought to change its role from being a mere victim and by attacking the most painful memory site, the US Embassy, on November 4, 1979. Politics of memory is the mobilization of collective memories in order to legitimize the existing order and advance political-ideological projects in the internal and external environment through mnemonic socialization, the question of this research is what is the memorial approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the United States about the Nov 4, 1979? The answer is that Iran's memorial approach in this regard is the politics of remembrance of the Nov 4, 1979 memory through memorial practices with the narration of hatred and victory at the same time and its continuous reproduction in order to legitimize and motivate foreign policy.

Abstract In the post- JCPOA period, Economic and trade interactions did not take shape between Iran and the and the US, and the lack of pressure from economic actors facilitated Trump's withdrawal from JCPOA. In this article, we analyze the US withdrawal from the nuclear deal(JCPOA) from this perspective. The question arises: what effect did the non-formation of economic and trade cooperation between Iran and US have on the US withdrawal from JCPOA? We hypothesize that the lack of economic and trade interaction has facilitated the withdrawal of the US from the JCPOA. In this research, we modeled it with descriptive-analytical method (documentary sources) and using game theory, model of the repeated Prisoner's Dilemma, Iran-US relations in three times: Oman secret negotiations to JCPOA (2015), post-JCPOA and post-US withdrawal JCPOA (2018) and came to the conclusion that in the first stage of the game in the political field, change approach of the Iran-Us governments caused the parties to choose cooperation as the basis of the first game. The second stage of the game despite the economic background in the post- JCPOA period, no cooperation was formed between Iran and the US, unlike European countries and this lack of economic cooperation and interdependence led to the prevail of the political atmosphere in the third stage of the game, and with the withdrawal of the US from the JCPOA and the gradual reduction of nuclear commitments by Iran, non-cooperation according to the Prisoners Dilemma game returned relations to before JCPOA.

Abstract Iran’s Nuclear Program (INP) has attracted many eyes and thoughts. While much ink has been spilled on its evolution and its impact on the international security and the middle-eastern politics, it seems there has been a theoretical void in the explanation of this multi-dimensional crisis. Such an unfortunate poverty is no more obvious than in the framing INP by the media. In fact, the impacts of media on conflicts and crisis in general, and on INP in particular, has been recently devalued. Thus, a voyage of the connections of the media framing and INP has been so far intact. The present study is an attempt to give a historical narrative on how the media have framed the trajectory of INP. We will accomplish this mission by locating the impacts of media on INP within an examination of the larger historical context. In this framework, the proposed work will undertake tracing the history of the ebbs and flows within the media—i.e., CNN and Fox News— coverage of INP, explaining how media covered INP. On this reading, the present work is a historiography. It provides a theoretical plot to narrate a story, a story of the history of INP through the lens of media.

Abstract The anarchic and self-serving structure of international politics leads to security and power-based competition and rivalry.The current rivalry between the United States and China can be examined in this context. The United States assesses China's presence in the Middle East and the growing Sino-Israeli interaction as a threat in the strategic region of the Middle East. The present study examines the US-China political competition in Israel. The Sino-Israeli increasing relations is remarkable from various dimensions. This article investigates the security implications of Chinese influence in Israel for the United States. The authors use a descriptive analytical approach and a library method to argue that the ncreasing Sino-Israeli relations will have security implications for the United States with technological, infrastructure, cyber and commercial dimensions. Using the theory of the security dilemma, the authors explain the dimensions of China's increasing involvement in the Middle East, with an emphasis on Israel, and its security implications for the United States. Consequently, several security implications are likely for the United States if the United States does not pay attention and the scope of tension between the two economic poles expands It will complicate the situation for the United States
 
 
 

Abstract US opposition to the Court culminated in the prosecution of Afghanistan situation. Many US soldiers were prosecuted by the ICC prosecutor, and the US therefore placed additional pressure on the Court. The pressure went so far that the Pre-Trial chamber did not consider continuing the prosecution of international crimes in Afghanistan in the interests of justice and ordered the investigation to be suspended. The ICC Prosecutor appealed against this issue. On 5 March 2020, the Appeals chamber of the ICC decided unanimously to authorize the Prosecutor to commence an investigation into crimes committed in Afghanistan. The present study, with a descriptive-analytical method, will first make a brief reference to the course of US actions against the ICC; Then, by reviewing and analyzing the verdict issued by the Preliminary chamber of the Court regarding the case of Afghanistan, the issue of whether the actions of the United State had an impact on the performance of the Court or not; Finally, the latest developments in Afghanistan situation will be reviewed in the ICC, and in particular in the Appeals chamber. eventually, according to recent rulings, the Court is currently in a high position in the confrontation between the Court and the United States, and the investigation into the alleged crimes has been authorized by US officials and forces, but this legal battle is still ongoing. Its fate is uncertain; Because, assuming that the investigation is completed by the prosecutor, the presence of US officials in the trial process is a matter of serious doubt, and on the other hand, a trial in absentia is not conceivable, and this will be another major challenge in this confrontation.

Abstract The longing for development in Turkey has started since the formation of the Republic and today this process is on the agenda of the government. But the dynamics of development in Turkey only had a successful trend from 2015 until 2015. This article is written to show how the process and the path of economic and political development in Turkey. The present study, by adopting the theoretical framework of Ajmaoglu-Robinson institutionalist political economy, pursues the question of how Turkish political and economic institutions have influenced the development process of this country? The data required for this article are collected by documentary method and the article analysis method is process tracking. The research findings indicate that the movement of Turkish political-economic institutions towards more inclusiveness has strengthened the development process in Turkey; With the establishment of ownership, increasing the role of the private sector, independence of the judiciary, reducing military power, greater political openness and the expansion of civil society, Turkey has moved towards institutional inclusion, which results in expanding the incentives for economic activity and participation of citizens and economic prosperity. Is more