farzad rostami; Mokhtar Zibaee; forouzan marzbani
Abstract
Gaining and maintaining a superior position in the challenging geopolitics of the Middle East is one of Iran's strategic priorities, and this important goal has been realized for many years under the shadow of benefiting from the two wings of the country's military and ideological power. A position that, ...
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Gaining and maintaining a superior position in the challenging geopolitics of the Middle East is one of Iran's strategic priorities, and this important goal has been realized for many years under the shadow of benefiting from the two wings of the country's military and ideological power. A position that, despite the priority of pragmatism and transformation in regional power and wealth production circuits, including economic and environmental priorities, social reforms, the emergence of new regional and extra-regional power actors, the formation of new power blocs, the priority of science and technology, etc., has a worrying perspective. To maintain Iran's regional position has been faced. A topic that using the descriptive-analytical method and regional security theory design, in the form of the question that what are the strategic-approach requirements of Iran despite the changes in the foundations and traditional bases of power in the Middle East? And the hypothesis that Iran is not exempt from the change of power equations in the Middle East and that it is necessary to review the past policies based on being limited to ideological-security competitions in order to maintain the balance and not remove the power from the multi-dimensional security in the Middle East, has been analyzed. The findings of the research show that the new Middle East, unlike Iran's idealistic and realism-oriented policies, has moved with the application of liberal and pragmatic policies and centered on hybrid power, and the traditional ideology-security tactic, despite the regional de-escalation, is to leave the outcome of the power game to the competitors, and in this direction In order to maintain regional authority, it is necessary for Iran to take measures such as efficient and trial-and-error diplomacy, the use of a multi-dimensional and knowledge-based economy, benefiting from geopolitical capacities, improving society and governance relations as the basis of foreign policy, using cultural and historical capacities and... do it.
najmiyeh poresmaili; Ali Ali Esmaeili Ardakani
Abstract
Perceptions and misperceptions frequently affect government relations, subsequently impeding regional relationships. The present state of affairs in the Middle East is a perfect instance of how influential actors' perceptions and misperceptions affect the area, which remains a debated topic. Since the ...
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Perceptions and misperceptions frequently affect government relations, subsequently impeding regional relationships. The present state of affairs in the Middle East is a perfect instance of how influential actors' perceptions and misperceptions affect the area, which remains a debated topic. Since the leaders of Turkey and Saudi Arabia have distinct personalities and mentalities, they take different approaches in terms of perspectives, analyses, judgments, and foreign policies on a variety of topics in the Middle East, particularly in relation to Iranian foreign policy goals and priorities. Therefore, it is crucial to examine how these varying mentalities have impacted their approaches to different regional and international issues. The article examines the differing perspectives of Turkish and Saudi Arabian leaders regarding the nature and goals of the Axis of Resistance, a crucial element of the regional political and security structure. The authors present a three-part series of propositions to clarify the reasoning behind these leaders' views on the Axis of Resistance. The differences in policies and actions among these leaders show that their varying mentalities, influenced by the three aforementioned propositions, have affected strategies and actions related to important matters like regional security, interactions with Western nations, the Axis of Resistance, and resolving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
Ali Esmaeili; Mohammadali Shahryari; Mohammad Parsa
Abstract
Middle East; Complex regions, with an intertwined structure and the structure of the international system, which includes the security of the region as well as the foundation of international relations of states in the future. The aim, therefore, is to answer the question of what effect the polarization ...
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Middle East; Complex regions, with an intertwined structure and the structure of the international system, which includes the security of the region as well as the foundation of international relations of states in the future. The aim, therefore, is to answer the question of what effect the polarization developments in the international system between 1980 and 2021 have had on the conflicts and security of the Middle East? It can be said that the Middle East region is facing a pervasive and comprehensive insecurity due to the internal situation and the structure of the international system, so such regions can not, in terms of security, the impact of the international system on their orientations, policies and strategies. To prevent. In the current era of the international system, this influence on the Middle East sub-system has been very special. The findings of this study are based on the fact that with the disappearance of the bipolar system in 1991 and the emergence of the US-led unipolar system, the Middle East has experienced systemic turmoil, and the monopoly system (US) in 1991-2021 more than the bipolar system (America and the Soviet Union) In the years 1980-1991, he was influential in creating conflict and war in the Middle East. The expansion of the depth and scope of political, social, economic, and cultural instability in the Middle East is one of the consequences of such a situation. The research method is descriptive-analytical and using library resources.
Vali Golmohammadi; Armina Arm
Abstract
This article aims to re-think the main arguments on Russian Middle East policy. According to the mainstream views, the West plays a pivotal role in shaping Russia's Middle East policy, and Moscow's presence in the Middle East has largely been interlinked to Russia’s changing relations with the ...
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This article aims to re-think the main arguments on Russian Middle East policy. According to the mainstream views, the West plays a pivotal role in shaping Russia's Middle East policy, and Moscow's presence in the Middle East has largely been interlinked to Russia’s changing relations with the United States. Not having considering the international dynamics and complexities of the changing Middle East geopolitics, these contributions continue to argue that Russian Middle East presence is highly intended to challenge the United States and revive the Soviet’s sphere of influence throughout the region. In contrast, this paper offers a multidimensional and multivariable contribution, emphasizes on the regionalization of politics and security in the Middle East and the growing role of regional actors and emerging dynamics that inevitably lead to different options, interests and concerns which necessitates the engagement of great powers, especially Russia. According to regionalization of great powers engagement, Russia's Middle East policy and its increasing intervention in regional developments are influenced by political, security and economic dynamics within the Middle East that has increasingly become the driving force behind a variety of opportunities and threats such as terrorism, energy, arms sales, and foreign relations with the regional states. For Russia, this strong presence in the Middle East does not necessarily mean a return to the revisionist and hegemonic policy of Soviet engagement in the cold war era.
mohadese jazaei
Abstract
The Middle East” is a controversial concept in terms of politics and geography. From a geographical point of view, there is no broad consensus on the borders of the Middle East. Also, there have been challenges in the use and application of the Middle East concept given the new theories to pay ...
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The Middle East” is a controversial concept in terms of politics and geography. From a geographical point of view, there is no broad consensus on the borders of the Middle East. Also, there have been challenges in the use and application of the Middle East concept given the new theories to pay attention to the non-Western world. There have been challenges in applying this concept. To counter the monotony of European and American research and studies in the Middle East, instead of the concept of "Middle East", equations such as "Near East and North Africa", "North Middle East", "New Middle East", "Islamic Middle East", "Arab Middle East" "West Asia", and "Southwest Asia" are suggested instead. The main question of this article is "What is the reason for the inevitability of using this concept in all languages of the region, including Persian, Arabic, Turkish, and even Hebrew?" "Why can't the conceptual equivalents and proposed alternatives succeed in conveying the same meaning that the Middle East concept conveys?" This research aims to answer why the concept of “the Middle East” cannot be left by focusing on the political issue and from the history of concepts method and theory view. The nature of “the political” emphasizes binary confrontations which confirms the fact of existing a stream of the battle between the political forces and group dominant on conversations in concepts forms. Although in this region criticize the hegemony of concepts such as the Middle East, and advocate for alternatives, the political irresistibility against geography is an important obstacle that complicates the use of alternative concepts of the Middle East.
farzad rostami; zahra zangene
Abstract
Managing regional crises requires the formation of cooperation and intgration between countries in the region. Solving environmental crises is one of the issues that is no exception. Obviously, in the absence of regional convergence, managing this crisis will face a real challenge. The environmental ...
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Managing regional crises requires the formation of cooperation and intgration between countries in the region. Solving environmental crises is one of the issues that is no exception. Obviously, in the absence of regional convergence, managing this crisis will face a real challenge. The environmental crisis, in particular the crisis of the microstats, which has been a serious challenge to the Middle East region in recent years, calls for regional cooperation. But contrary to expectations, countries in the region have not been willing to form a cooperative regime. In this research, the barriers to the formation of this convergence have been investigated. The question is, what are the barriers to the establishment of an environmental cooperation regime in the Middle East? The thesis hypothesis is that managing environmental crises requires a set of factors such as consensus, multilateral diplomacy and international regimes, in the current Middle East region, the existence of crises and political conflicts, including the occupation of Iraq, the developments of 2011 Its implications as well as hydropolitan disputes between countries in the region have created unfavorable conditions for the management of environmental crises, including the problem of waterfalls. In this thesis, the analytical-descriptive method has been used.
Mehrdad Rezapour; Ahmad Shohani
Abstract
After Soviet, the Russia's strategies had declined due to its internal challenges, and continued until the first decade of 21 century, but with occurring Arab Spring and appearance of Daesh in Middle East, there was another opportunity for Russian influence in the region and Its international position ...
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After Soviet, the Russia's strategies had declined due to its internal challenges, and continued until the first decade of 21 century, but with occurring Arab Spring and appearance of Daesh in Middle East, there was another opportunity for Russian influence in the region and Its international position Revival. In this article, which was conducted with approach of neoclassical realism and with an explanatory-analytical method, the aim was to study strategic changes of Russian political-security and economic paradigm in post-daesh Middle East. findings showed that after a period of recovering internal power and solving inner governmental problems, the Russia has gradually expanded its relations with Middle East. The crisis in Syria and Iraq in second decade of 21 century opened the door for more military-security, political and economic influence for Russians, and in competition with West, they expanded their base and position in Middle East, as they reasserted themselves as a great power in international arena. after Daesh, Russia extended its influence more by expanding political-economic relations with Arab and non-Arab countries in Middle East and made Different coalitions and Security-advisory-military contracts and political- commercial agreements. The results showed that post-daesh Russia seeks to maintain its forces and weapons to establish military bases, and has desire more stable influence in competition with West and US hegemony for greater political-security and economic benefits in Middle East.
ali esmaeili
Abstract
< p >One of the most important features in the Middle East review (2001-2011), is the reaction and interaction among the Iran-Syria alliance and the United States and its allies. According to this confrontation, the following questions and hypotheses have been raised by the author: 1- What had ...
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< p >One of the most important features in the Middle East review (2001-2011), is the reaction and interaction among the Iran-Syria alliance and the United States and its allies. According to this confrontation, the following questions and hypotheses have been raised by the author: 1- What had been the major cause of the reaction and interaction of Iran-Syria alliance and the US and its allies in the Middle East since 2001 to 2011? 2- What are the strategies of Iran-Syria alliance, and the US and its allies in theirs actions and interactions during 2001-2011? Based on the above questions, the following hypotheses are suggested: 1- The main reason of the reaction and interaction between Iran-Syria alliance and the US and its allies in the Middle East region during 2001-2011 was the perception of threat. 2- Iran-Syrian Alliance Strategy vis-à-vis the US and its allies during 2001-2011 in the Middle East, were respectively bandwagoning and balancing, and strategy of the US and its allies vis-à-vis Iran-Syria alliance was balancing strategy.The research methodology in this study is descriptive-analytic, based on the qualitative method and for data collection the method has been library and internet.
Mehdi Zibaei; Reza Simbar; Ahmed Jansiz
Abstract
Abstract
Following the Arab Uprisings, the concept of the Middle East order refers to the post-uprising system. Meanwhile, there are various sub-national and super-national factors are involved and each of which must be individually analyzed. The physical presence and regional policies of the international ...
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Abstract
Following the Arab Uprisings, the concept of the Middle East order refers to the post-uprising system. Meanwhile, there are various sub-national and super-national factors are involved and each of which must be individually analyzed. The physical presence and regional policies of the international great powers such as the US, Russia and the EU significantly affect the new system. These actors prevent any indigenous regional system from taking shape. Despite the plural aspects of the Middle East system within the mentioned era, the present research only aims to explain the impact of the behavior of the US, Russia and the EU towards the Arab Uprisings and its aftermath on the regional order. So, the hypothesis is that changing in the post-Arab uprisings era is affected by diverse factors (state-society complex, Ideological conflicts, regional rivalries and implication of international setting) and in this context the key powers are effective parts in this premise. Thus, this essay tries to bring the political behaviors of United States, Russia, and the European Union towards Arab uprisings and its implications under scrutiny through the international layer of the Historical Sociology of International Relations (HSIR) as the current article theoretical framework.
Saeed Shokoohi; Asqar Safari
Abstract
Abstract
The 2017 Iraqi Kurdistan’s independence referendum and its results demonstrated that independence and secessionist Kurdish movements in the region would be a persistent political issue in the coming decades. Since their desire to become an independent country in geared in the fundamental ...
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Abstract
The 2017 Iraqi Kurdistan’s independence referendum and its results demonstrated that independence and secessionist Kurdish movements in the region would be a persistent political issue in the coming decades. Since their desire to become an independent country in geared in the fundamental right of Self-Determination, it is quite foreseeable that the countries which have considerable Kurdish minorities within their borders would encounter critical challenges on how to deal with their nationalist and secessionist desires. Iran is one of these countries. But the tendency among Iran’s Kurds to be an independent nation is quite lower than in other countries. The present paper seeks to answer this question: what’s the role of Paradiplomacy in dealing with the Kurds for Iran’s government. The findings of the article demonstrate that by boosting the role of sub-national identities, such as Kurds, and their participation in low-politics, Paradiplomacy can strengthen the social cohesion and social cohesion, in its turn, is one of the main impediments on the way of secessionism. At the same time, Kurds can help the Iranian government to reset its relations with the Kurdish population in the region.
niakooee niakooee; Saeed Pirmohammadi
Abstract
Abstract
The Middle East region has experienced various patterns and processes of statehood since the formation of national units. The Arab awakening which encompassed the huge part of the Middle East and North Africa since 2011 was promising a fundamental transformation in the statehood patterns following ...
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Abstract
The Middle East region has experienced various patterns and processes of statehood since the formation of national units. The Arab awakening which encompassed the huge part of the Middle East and North Africa since 2011 was promising a fundamental transformation in the statehood patterns following an intermittent period of decline and weakness. However, the mentioned developments have been coupled with political chaos, security crisis and even civil war. Countries such as Iraq, Libya, Syria, and Yemen in which the concepts of state and nation had not been realized and authoritarian regimes had been the main factor of the connection of the state's parts, have experienced a complicated situation regarding the indexes of fragility and vulnerability. This situation in Iraq goes back to the United States invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the fall of Saddam Hossein. However, the Arab spring and the erosion of state in the region have exacerbated the vulnerability and fragility of Iraq in an unprecedented way.
