Mehdi Najafi; Ali Esmaeili
Abstract
Israel's presence at the heart of security conflicts and challenges in the Middle East over the past several decades has established a deep relationship between Israel's national security and regional developments. This study aims to analyze the factors affecting Israel's security strategy against the ...
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Israel's presence at the heart of security conflicts and challenges in the Middle East over the past several decades has established a deep relationship between Israel's national security and regional developments. This study aims to analyze the factors affecting Israel's security strategy against the Syrian crisis during 2011-2021. Therefore, the main question of the study is: how have the characteristics of the Syrian crisis during 2011-2021 affected Israel's security strategy against this crisis? Findings of the study show that the Syrian crisis for Israel, was innovative and surprise , and the level of threat severe due to the spread of the crisis to the country through the conflicts in the Syrian Golan, the migration of Palestinian refugees living in Syria and Syrian Druze to Israel, and the strategic arms of Syria falling into the hands of the group Anti-Israeli in the event of the fall of the Assad government were emerging, surprising, and the level of threat was severe, but the response time was sufficient. Israel's security strategy at this stage was the "policy of limited intervention" which focused on responding to the unwanted firing of bullets from Syria into Israel, the bombing of convoys transporting weapons from Syria to Lebanon, and the secret financial, logistical, and medical aid to the anti-Assad rebels in southern Syria. But with the military presence of Iran and its allies to support the Assad government and their role in changing the balance in favor of the Syrian government and their deployment in southern Syria at the end of 2016, the Syrian crisis for Israel has become a deliberative, predictable, more severe threat and response time. enough, and Israel's strategy changed from a limited intervention to a fully aggressive strategy of "Campaign between Wars" (Mabam) against Iran and its allies in 2017 to 2021, which has focused on creating a buffer zone in the south of Syria, extensive and heavy bombing of the forces of Iran and its allies throughout the territory of Syria. The research method in this research is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is library and internet sources.
Mohammad Javad Fathi; Abdolvahab Yosefinezhad
Abstract
The Syrian crisis has threatened the interests of the Russian Federation more than any other transregional actor; therefore, to protect its interests in the strategic region of the Middle East and the Mediterranean subsystem, it has sought to manage the developments. The central question of the research ...
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The Syrian crisis has threatened the interests of the Russian Federation more than any other transregional actor; therefore, to protect its interests in the strategic region of the Middle East and the Mediterranean subsystem, it has sought to manage the developments. The central question of the research is what are the characteristics of the Russian model of crisis management in Syria? To answer this question, Charles Hermann’s Crisis Cube theoretical model and the three components of “threat”, “time”, and “awareness” have been used. The crisis has left Russia with a choice between three management models: peaceful and software, coercive and aggressive, and intelligent management. In the Syrian crisis, the threat to Russia's core values is insignificant and on the other hand, there is plenty of time to respond to threats, and of course, there is a lack of awareness of the events and where they occur; hence, according to the Crisis Cube model, the Russian Federation's interpretation of the developments in Syria is that the crisis is slow, so there is no urgency for aggressive and coercive actions. The findings show that the Russian officials, based on the type of inference and interpretation of the three main characteristics of the Crisis Cube, concluded that the model of intelligent crisis management with the priority of using software levers will bring about better results for them. This research has been done qualitatively using a descriptive-analytical approach and the method of data collection has been documentary-library method.
enayat allah yazdani; seyed saied hassanzadeh; mahnaz goodarzi
Abstract
Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis, the great powers have tried to play a role in it. Since the beginning of the Islamic Revolution, Iran has been a strategic ally of Syria. Iran has openly supported Bashar al-Assad government through financial and military aid. By the way, the political developments ...
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Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis, the great powers have tried to play a role in it. Since the beginning of the Islamic Revolution, Iran has been a strategic ally of Syria. Iran has openly supported Bashar al-Assad government through financial and military aid. By the way, the political developments in Syria and its country matters to the French government. France was the first country to recognize the coalition of Syrian opposition forces as the sole legitimate representative of the Syrian people. However, the 2015 Paris terrorist attack by ISIS convinced the French to alter their policy. Accordingly, France foreign policy towards Syria changed. This paper aims to study the foreign policy of Iran and France towards the Syrian crisis. The paper argues that Iranian foreign policy towards Syria is based on maintaining the status quo (the survival of Bashar al-Assad). Yet, France foreign policy towards these developments is a conservative offensive one in the form of convergence with the US.
ghasem toraby; mozhgan mousavi
Abstract
Abstract
The Middle East is deemed as an “unfinished region” due to numerous changes in its structure since its formation. Although Arabic uprisings, since 2011, derived from earlier historical trends, their dimensions are big enough to be considered as the beginning of a new “historical ...
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Abstract
The Middle East is deemed as an “unfinished region” due to numerous changes in its structure since its formation. Although Arabic uprisings, since 2011, derived from earlier historical trends, their dimensions are big enough to be considered as the beginning of a new “historical process” like what took place after the World War I. Their impacts on important issues such as violence, extremism, politically motivated terrorism, regional proxy wars, classical and modern competitions among international powers and attempts to shape the new strategic politics by regional powers are easily discernible. Since Syria is Iran’s strategic ally, its future matters to Iran. This paper aims to consider probable outcomes of Syria conflict in the form of possible scenarios and its associated consequences for the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In order to estimate possible scenarios, the realist approach has been taken.
