vahid sinaee; fatemeh mahrough; Ehsan Mozdkhah
Abstract
Complexity in international relations and regional order have force countries as one of the strategic necessities to Pay attention to active diplomacy and collective neighborhood policy to strengthen and secure national interests. In this context, Iran as a multi-neighborhood country is facing with neighbors ...
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Complexity in international relations and regional order have force countries as one of the strategic necessities to Pay attention to active diplomacy and collective neighborhood policy to strengthen and secure national interests. In this context, Iran as a multi-neighborhood country is facing with neighbors with geopolitical characteristics, strategic and geoeconomics dignity as well as security problems. This situation requires Iran to follow multi-neighborhood foreign policy in the form of fractal neighborhood policy and the logic of the multiplex network. Respectively, the fundamental goal of this article is to explain the status of post -revolutionary Iran's neighborhood policy in a new reading. To this end, the central question of this article is how Iran's active neighborhood foreign policy as a multi-neighborhood country can be explained in the context of the international system structure? The paper hypothesis states that the use of strategic and intelligent diplomacy in Iran’s foreign policy along with pursuing, smart synergy and attention to institutional practices lead to the construction of fractal neighborhood policy
Abolghasem shahriari
Abstract
Among the reasons for the formation of the BRICS organization are the financial crises and the problems of dependence on the dollar, for this reason, the member countries of this organization have tried to increase the power of their central banks by carrying out the processes called de-dollarization. ...
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Among the reasons for the formation of the BRICS organization are the financial crises and the problems of dependence on the dollar, for this reason, the member countries of this organization have tried to increase the power of their central banks by carrying out the processes called de-dollarization. Iran is one of the countries that has become a member of the BRICS organization, and at the same time, it is under the influence of sanctions and dependence on the dollar. Therefore, the aim of the current research is the feasibility of de-dollarization of Iran's economy based on the BRICS membership based on the theory of de-dollarization. Considering that the two countries China and Russia are using their global exchange systems and both are members of BRICS, the question has been raised that according to the economic agreements of BRICS, what advantages will membership in this organization bring to Iran and how the field of dollarization for Will it provide Iran? The hypothesis of the research is that according to the activity of the global exchange systems of China and Russia in front of SWIFT, the use of BRICS economic cooperation is a suitable platform for Iran's dollarization. In order to investigate the current situation, the data from 1996 to 2020 has been analyzed using the time series technique. The findings of the research indicate that the BRICS membership, in addition to providing the basis for increasing economic exchanges, will also provide a suitable platform for de-dollarization of Iran's trade, considering the extent of partner countries in the systems of China and Russia. At the same time, it should be noted that dollarization does not mean abandoning the dollar as a currency in international exchanges, and it only refers to increasing diversity in the currency portfolio of countries.
farzad rostami; Mokhtar Zibaee; forouzan marzbani
Abstract
Gaining and maintaining a superior position in the challenging geopolitics of the Middle East is one of Iran's strategic priorities, and this important goal has been realized for many years under the shadow of benefiting from the two wings of the country's military and ideological power. A position that, ...
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Gaining and maintaining a superior position in the challenging geopolitics of the Middle East is one of Iran's strategic priorities, and this important goal has been realized for many years under the shadow of benefiting from the two wings of the country's military and ideological power. A position that, despite the priority of pragmatism and transformation in regional power and wealth production circuits, including economic and environmental priorities, social reforms, the emergence of new regional and extra-regional power actors, the formation of new power blocs, the priority of science and technology, etc., has a worrying perspective. To maintain Iran's regional position has been faced. A topic that using the descriptive-analytical method and regional security theory design, in the form of the question that what are the strategic-approach requirements of Iran despite the changes in the foundations and traditional bases of power in the Middle East? And the hypothesis that Iran is not exempt from the change of power equations in the Middle East and that it is necessary to review the past policies based on being limited to ideological-security competitions in order to maintain the balance and not remove the power from the multi-dimensional security in the Middle East, has been analyzed. The findings of the research show that the new Middle East, unlike Iran's idealistic and realism-oriented policies, has moved with the application of liberal and pragmatic policies and centered on hybrid power, and the traditional ideology-security tactic, despite the regional de-escalation, is to leave the outcome of the power game to the competitors, and in this direction In order to maintain regional authority, it is necessary for Iran to take measures such as efficient and trial-and-error diplomacy, the use of a multi-dimensional and knowledge-based economy, benefiting from geopolitical capacities, improving society and governance relations as the basis of foreign policy, using cultural and historical capacities and... do it.
Elham sabagh; mahnaz goodarzi
Abstract
Several decades have passed since the collapse of the Soviet Union, and relations with the countries separated from the former Soviet Union were placed on the agenda of Iran's foreign policy apparatus from the day after the collapse. Iran made several efforts to expand strategic relations with independent ...
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Several decades have passed since the collapse of the Soviet Union, and relations with the countries separated from the former Soviet Union were placed on the agenda of Iran's foreign policy apparatus from the day after the collapse. Iran made several efforts to expand strategic relations with independent political units; Efforts, most of which are defined in the form of official diplomacy. This is while the multifaceted nature of diplomatic relations has caused changes in the levels of diplomacy and political relations. From a paradiplomatic point of view, small and sub-national identities independent of central governments can play a role in the international arena. Based on this assumption, the question of this article is: "What are the strengths and weaknesses of diplomatic relations between Iran and Turkmenistan, and how does paradiplomacy help to improve and promote these relations?" In response to this research, this hypothesis is proposed that "the major damage to diplomatic relations between Tehran and Ashgabat is the exclusive focus on official diplomacy between the two countries and the neglect of new aspects in diplomatic relations, including para-diplomacy, which can be the weak points of official relations in political axes. reduce economic, cultural and social issues and improve relations between the two countries by focusing on various tools in various fields of diplomacy." Since this research is made to compare two units, the method of using it is comparative.--
Seyed Hashem Moniri; Seyed Hossein Athari
Abstract
This research tries to investigate the conceptual context of the foreign policy of the 13th government by using the theoretical framework of cognitive linguistics and the " Pragglejaz" method. The most fundamental strategy of the 13th government's foreign policy is justice-oriented order and solving ...
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This research tries to investigate the conceptual context of the foreign policy of the 13th government by using the theoretical framework of cognitive linguistics and the " Pragglejaz" method. The most fundamental strategy of the 13th government's foreign policy is justice-oriented order and solving international issues based on order and justice. Obstacles in reaching this goal may slow down or stop the desired path. The understanding of this path can be represented and understood in the speeches and context of the government. The main question is, what conceptual metaphors has the 13th government used in the discourse of justice-oriented order? The hypothesis is that the "path" metaphor is the most frequent concept in the discourse of Mr. Raisi's government. The findings show that unfair relations, injustice, and discrimination due to the "mind" and the "global capitalist system" centered on the United States prevent the achievement of this path; This obstacle can be rebuilt by creating a "jihadi transformation". The results show that language expressions and mental space in the foreign policy apparatus are structures that create "meaning" between the "addressee" and "others" through direct correlation with events.
jalal dehghani firouzabadi; Saman Fazeli
Abstract
The Genealogy and construction of Iran's foreign policy after the revolution towards the United States has been based on the traumatic memories of Iranians from this country, especially the 1953 Iranian coup d'état. The connection of these memories with the lack of pursuit of transitional justice ...
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The Genealogy and construction of Iran's foreign policy after the revolution towards the United States has been based on the traumatic memories of Iranians from this country, especially the 1953 Iranian coup d'état. The connection of these memories with the lack of pursuit of transitional justice and appropriate politics of memory by the United States and creation of new negative memories, has led to the continuation of post-traumatic situation in Iran-US relations. On the other hand, the will of the revolutionary and Islamic government of Iran has been focused on the fight against global arrogance, led by the United States. In this regard, memory conflict became one of the important dimensions of Iran's approach to the United States. Also, after the revolution, Iranians sought to change its role from being a mere victim and by attacking the most painful memory site, the US Embassy, on November 4, 1979. Politics of memory is the mobilization of collective memories in order to legitimize the existing order and advance political-ideological projects in the internal and external environment through mnemonic socialization, the question of this research is what is the memorial approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the United States about the Nov 4, 1979? The answer is that Iran's memorial approach in this regard is the politics of remembrance of the Nov 4, 1979 memory through memorial practices with the narration of hatred and victory at the same time and its continuous reproduction in order to legitimize and motivate foreign policy.
Khalil Sardarnia; Mohammad Fallah; Henghameh Alborzi
Abstract
هدف از انجام این پژوهش ارائه پاسخ تحلیلی از منظر اقتصاد سیاسی و نیز جامعه شناختی سیاسی به این پرسش است: تحریمهای شدید نفتی و بانکی مرتبط با آن در بستر تنشهای سیاسی و ...
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هدف از انجام این پژوهش ارائه پاسخ تحلیلی از منظر اقتصاد سیاسی و نیز جامعه شناختی سیاسی به این پرسش است: تحریمهای شدید نفتی و بانکی مرتبط با آن در بستر تنشهای سیاسی و هستهای بین ایران و ایالات متحده آمریکا و هم پیمانان غربی آن چه تاثیری بر امنیت ملی ایران در دهه 1390 شمسی داشته است؟ فرضیه پژوهش آن است که با توجه به وابستگی شدید بودجه دولت ایران به درآمدهای نفتی، تحریم نفتی و کاهش شدید این درآمدها، امنیت ملی ایران در ابعاد اقتصادی و سیاسی را آسیبپذیر ساخته است. این مطالعه با روش تبیینی – تحلیلی و روش کتابخانهای و اینترنتی برای دادهها در چارچوب رویکرد جامعه بنیاد مکتب کپنهاگ به امنیت ملی انجام شده است. یافتهها حاکی از آن است که تحریمهای نفتی در یک دهه اخیر به ویژه در دوره ریاست جمهوری ترامپ این پیامدهای منفی را بر اقتصاد ایران داشته است: ناعتمادی و کاهش شدید سرمایهگذاری خارجی و داخلی، کاهش تولید در بخشهای صنعتی و کشاورزی، عدم انتقال دانش فنی در نفت، بیکاری فزاینده، تورم شدید و بی سابقه ناشی از تحریم و نقدینگی بالای ناشی از استقراضهای بیرویه دولت از بانک مرکزی و چاپ اسکناس، گسترش فساد اقتصادی در اشکال قاچاق، احتکار، اختلاس، رانت جویی، افزایش ضریب جینی یا نابرابری و شکاف طبقاتی شدید، آسیب پذیری شدید سرمایهگذاری صاحبان سرمایههای کوچک و میانی در بورس و جاهای دیگر. چنین پیامدهای منفی ناشی از تحریمها به ویژه در نیمه دوم دهه 1390 سبب رخ دادن اعتراضات ساختارشکن، رادیکال و زنجیروار با پیوندهای افقی بین اعتراضات اصناف و گروههای گوناگون اجتماعی در شکل خیابانی (سیاست خیابان) شدند
Afsaneh Yaryan; ali Salehifarsani; Hossain Abolfazli Karizi
Abstract
China is one of the great powers in the present age, especially economically, and is an active player in this field. China's foreign policy approach to the world is different. The purpose of this study is to examine Iran's position in China's foreign policy. The research question is based on what is ...
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China is one of the great powers in the present age, especially economically, and is an active player in this field. China's foreign policy approach to the world is different. The purpose of this study is to examine Iran's position in China's foreign policy. The research question is based on what is Iran's position in China's foreign policy and to answer the question, To answer the question, we test the hypothesis that China is in its foreign policy apparatus in order to counter US unilateralism in the Middle East and to secure the economic benefits of its future projects at the international system level it has a special place in Iran. The method of data collection is based on library and electronic, the method of research is qualitative and process tracking and inspired by the theory of realism. Findings show that China, based on the three strategies of developing economic cooperation, breakout and diversion, considers Iran's in its foreign policy important and has a special view of Iran in the Persian Gulf region. In fact, Iran paves the way for China to be able to supply its own energy source, challenge US-led regional order, seize the Middle East, divert US control from China, and create a large market for Find sales of your products.
rohollah eslami; Farideh Amani
Abstract
Iran and Saudi Arabia are among the most influential and important countries in the Middle East and in the larger geographical and ideological sphere of the Islamic world, which, following the victory of the Islamic Revolution, developed hostile and confrontational relations with each other. Different ...
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Iran and Saudi Arabia are among the most influential and important countries in the Middle East and in the larger geographical and ideological sphere of the Islamic world, which, following the victory of the Islamic Revolution, developed hostile and confrontational relations with each other. Different approaches of the two countries in regional and global issues, the efforts of the two countries to become the first power in the region, the two countries becoming a symbol of Shiite and Sunni religious poles, the positions of the two sides on regional crises It led to a less than positive relationship between the two countries and in some cases led to tensions and conflicts. In this regard, the authors seek to answer the fundamental question of why, despite the religious homogeneity and regional interests of Iran and Saudi Arabia, they continue to insist on their enmity? In response to the research question, based on the theoretical framework of ontological security, it is hypothesized that the commitment of Iran and Saudi Arabia to their enmity with each other has become commonplace, which provides their interests in a more favorable way for them. Both countries do not want to disrupt this normal process by changing their view of the other, so their conflict has an identity (structural) and ontological dimension. The research method in this research is interpretive and the method of data collection is library and articles, sites, etc.
Mohammad Mahmoodi-kia
Abstract
Human rights violations in the Islamic Republic of Iran are one of Iran's main challenges to the international system, and a wide range of human rights issues have been raised in the form of Special Rapporteurs' reports, UN Secretary-General's reports, and UN General Assembly resolutions. Therefore, ...
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Human rights violations in the Islamic Republic of Iran are one of Iran's main challenges to the international system, and a wide range of human rights issues have been raised in the form of Special Rapporteurs' reports, UN Secretary-General's reports, and UN General Assembly resolutions. Therefore, considering the dominance of neoliberal institutionalism logic over the existing world order, and the central position of the United Nations in the established order, this study uses the method of documentary review, examines human rights claims against the Islamic Republic of Iran and proposes possible scenarios and operational strategies. To overcome the challenge situation, it deals with three levels: short-term, medium-term and long-term. The findings of this study indicate that although some aspects and contexts of the challenge are rooted in discourse elements as well as different metaphorical language of Iranian human rights discourse and the international system, however, there are several ways to minimize human rights tensions between Iran. And there is an international system and while preserving Islamic and Iranian values in the field of human rights, it is possible to prevent human rights claims and create international challenges for the country
Vida Varahrami; Mehdi Ferdowsian
Abstract
In recent years, the accelerated production of SHELL Oil has led to US Oil Independency alongside with fundamental changes in the oil market (acceleration in Oil supply and Constant decline of prices). But this oil independence has also led to fundamental changes in the US political and security perspective ...
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In recent years, the accelerated production of SHELL Oil has led to US Oil Independency alongside with fundamental changes in the oil market (acceleration in Oil supply and Constant decline of prices). But this oil independence has also led to fundamental changes in the US political and security perspective toward of oil-rich countries. Exerting maximum pressure for removing Iranian and Venezuelan oil from world markets is a clear indication of this change in US policy. The adherence of other countries (oil producers and consumers) with the United States also indicates the stability of US hegemony in the international arena. Therefore, by stating the conditions of the crude oil market, we provide an overview of the current situation of the crude oil market which indicates the existence of surplus oil for a long period time which reduces the probability of supply shocks in the oil market. On the other hand, by expressing the American hegemony from various aspects, we conclude that by using its power, the United States can impose its policies on the oil market without fearing the oil supply disruptions, and seize part of the market of oil rich countries. In the following, we introduce an index (which indicates the degree of political and economic alignment of oil-producing countries with the United States policies) in order to examine the US economic and political relations with oil-producing countries, and based on this index we introduce Russia as the next potential target for the United States at the oil market. Finally, by designing a dynamic game with complete information, we examine the choices of Iran and the United States for removing Iran from the oil market and then we evaluate the current strategy of Iran and the United States (which has led to elimination of Iran from the oil market) and the consequences of each action (US) and reactions (Iran) during this Oil game (war) in short-term, medium-term and long-term periods.
Sedigheh Sheikhzadeh Jooshani; fatemeh Mirshekarpor
Abstract
Human beings often in confronting with unfamiliar and novel events and situations, attempt to make sence them by comparisons between a present event or situation and a past one. Makesencing a current event or situation by analogizing is a mechanism or cognitive shortcut that cognitive psychology refers ...
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Human beings often in confronting with unfamiliar and novel events and situations, attempt to make sence them by comparisons between a present event or situation and a past one. Makesencing a current event or situation by analogizing is a mechanism or cognitive shortcut that cognitive psychology refers to it as Analogical Reasoning (AR). The present study, emphasizing the foreign policy event of Iran'uclear negotiations and agreements - the P5+1(2013-2015), aims to show how some of political personalities and online media users have understood this event by using historical analogies. The study has used directed qualitative content analysis method for collecting and analyzing data. The findings show that the events of The Resolution 598, The Algies Accords 1981, The nationalization of the Iranian oil industry, The Turkmenchay treaty, The Sa'adabad treaty, The Golestaan treaty, The Paris treaty, Amir Kabir, Arash Kamangir, The Huddaybbiah Peace and The Imam Hassan Peace, are the historical analogies that analogizers invoked them in order to making sense the current event of Iran's nuclear negotiations and agreements - the P5+1 (2013-2015). The findings show that of the total of 11 historical analogies used by the analogizers, the analogy of Resolution 598 and the Hudaybbiah Peace, equally with the frequency of 22%, have been the most Popular analogies. The results show there have been an analogical battle between proponents and opponents of Iran's nuclear negotiations and agreements-the the P5+1(2013-2015), that Islamism-Iranism political rhetoric is the device of this battle.
Ziaodin Osmani; niakoee niakoee; reza simbar
Abstract
The security crisis in Afghanistan decreased between 2001-2008 due to the fall of the Taliban regime and the role of the United States and NATO in that country. However, violence, casualties, terrorist attacks, the activities of terrorist groups and warlords, feelings of insecurity among ordinary citizens ...
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The security crisis in Afghanistan decreased between 2001-2008 due to the fall of the Taliban regime and the role of the United States and NATO in that country. However, violence, casualties, terrorist attacks, the activities of terrorist groups and warlords, feelings of insecurity among ordinary citizens and political elites, as well as the instability of Afghanistan's institutions and political system, have increased since 2008. Simultaneously, the role of regional actors in supporting non-governmental and local groups have expanded over time. This article seeks to answer the question of what factors contributed to the spread of insecurity and security crises in Afghanistan from since 2008? To answer this question, security theories and in particular the approaches of Barry Buzan, Mohammad Ayoob, and Richard Little have been used. The findings illustrate that differences in the idea of government influenced by ethnicity and religion, fragmented society, declining government legitimacy, terrorist groups and warlords and the relationship of these factors with the security environment in which more powerful states such as Pakistan are playing have expanded Afghanistan's security challenges since 2008.
Ali.Akbar Nedaee
Abstract
The majority of the history of Iran's foreign relations, for more than half a century, has been influenced by its relationship with the United States and its quality. The main purpose of this article is to address a period of these relationships; including the seizure of the US embassy by Iranian students; ...
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The majority of the history of Iran's foreign relations, for more than half a century, has been influenced by its relationship with the United States and its quality. The main purpose of this article is to address a period of these relationships; including the seizure of the US embassy by Iranian students; and its negative consequences. So, the theory of "Path Dependency" has been used to explain this relationship. The main question of the research is dedicated to the fact that; Depending on the environment and the conditions of that period, the path dependency has caused the situation to move towards hostility and enmity between the two countries. The claim of this research is based on the hypothesis that the mutual decisions of the two countries after that incident, as a turning point, have depended on the path dependency and can be explained by it. Therefore, after searching in various books and articles, I used a qualitative method to analyze and explain the decisions and actions of the parties involved in the crisis. The research findings indicate the negative impact of path dependence in the critical environment and the resulting uncertainty at an important time. The result is that; the decisions of Tehran and Washington have exacerbated the situation due to path dependence on the each stage.
Seyed Mohammad Mousavi; Ghaffar Zarei; Amin Revanbod
Abstract
This paper is aimed at exploring the most fundamental step for the implementation of initiatives based on the idea of endogenous security in the Persian Gulf, including the Hormoz Peace Endeavor (HOPE). Therefore, the main question is: “What is the most important fundamental step in implementing ...
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This paper is aimed at exploring the most fundamental step for the implementation of initiatives based on the idea of endogenous security in the Persian Gulf, including the Hormoz Peace Endeavor (HOPE). Therefore, the main question is: “What is the most important fundamental step in implementing the HOPE?”. Since the implementation of the HOPE requires weakening of the durable patterns of amity and enmity intertwined with enmity between Iran and the GCC, the hypothesis says: “Improving Tehran-Riyadh bilateral relations is the most fundamental step in implementing the HOPE”. This research is descriptive-analytical and an inferential methodology is utilized to analyze the findings. The conceptual framework has also been formed through applying the Balance of Threat (BoT) theory to the Regional Security Complex theory. While completing the hypothesis, the findings show that, first, the existence of at least some degree of security convergence between Tehran and Riyadh is necessary to implement any security model based on the idea of endogenous security in the Persian Gulf. And second, since Saudi Arabia has no incentive to implement endogenous security initiatives in the region, Tehran can achieve the minimum necessary requisites for security convergence with this country, through establishing an agreement with Riyadh on some areas of influence in the Middle East.
Amir Hossein Vazirian; shahrooz shariati
Abstract
Iran's military presence in Oman and Syria over the past half-century has been seen as a sign of growing regional power and influence in Iran's foreign policy. This article seeks to answer the question of why Iran was involved in the crises of the two Arab countries of Oman and Syria during the last ...
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Iran's military presence in Oman and Syria over the past half-century has been seen as a sign of growing regional power and influence in Iran's foreign policy. This article seeks to answer the question of why Iran was involved in the crises of the two Arab countries of Oman and Syria during the last half century, and what has this military presence achieved for Iran's national interests? To find this answer, documentary data, reliable sources and documentary methods, post-event analysis and comparative methods have been used. Findings show that despite the essential differences between the international system and the ruling political regime in Iran in the last half century, Iran's military presence in the territory of the Kingdom of Oman and the Syrian Arab Republic was to free Iran from geopolitical siege. Using the teachings of the theory of realism and the concept of offensive defense, the article shows that the achievement of Iran's overseas presence in the Oman crisis was to prevent endangering energy security and the threat of the spread of communism in the Persian Gulf region. Iran's military presence in the Syrian crisis also significantly neutralized the geopolitical threat of Salafi radicalism in the West Asian region, in addition to preserving Iran's territorial integrity.
Mohaamad javad fathi; soherh pirani; Akbar ghafoori
Abstract
One of the central issues is the impact of the idea and assumption of strategic loneliness on the goals, motives, and regional strategies of the decision-making elites of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the tense and critical area of West Asia. The current research investigates why the Islamic ...
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One of the central issues is the impact of the idea and assumption of strategic loneliness on the goals, motives, and regional strategies of the decision-making elites of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the tense and critical area of West Asia. The current research investigates why the Islamic Republic of Iran suffers from strategic loneliness, and which doctrines have it used to get out of strategic loneliness? The study hypothesizes that the change of regime from Pahlavi to the Islamic Republic caused, on the one hand, Iran to have practically no stable and robust ally except Syria. On the other hand, a front of allies within the region and beyond has surrounded the country. This issue has led Iran to endogenous deterrence and abroad activities to cope with foreign threats. The findings show that supporting liberation movements, blocking threat sources, confronting the United States, deterring US regional allies, alongside prominent strategies such as regional ban and counter-access, unconventional land and sea warfare, classical and neo-ballistic missile deterrence, drone industry, Hezbollah model, and Lebanonization, alliances with trans-regional actors, religious and cultural diplomacy indicate the wrong idea of strategic loneliness. Iran follows these policies to get out of strategic loneliness and regional isolation. The research method is qualitative and refers to the primary library documents.
AMIN Navakhti moghadam
Abstract
Common historical and cultural features and geopolitics proximity encourage energy, transit, and regional cooperation between Iran and Turkmenistan. This article examines the different aspects of economic relations between Iran and Turkmenistan, including the opportunities and challenges as well as the ...
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Common historical and cultural features and geopolitics proximity encourage energy, transit, and regional cooperation between Iran and Turkmenistan. This article examines the different aspects of economic relations between Iran and Turkmenistan, including the opportunities and challenges as well as the potentials to develop ties. The current research also investigates the different ways through which Iran can involve in Turkmenistan's economy. The findings show that is that it can be achieved by strengthening the transit lines and resolving Iranian exporters' visas, guaranteeing investment risk, prioritizing economic diplomacy, and defining common interests in the transit area. Both countries are of great importance in the international arena because energy exports strengthening the cooperation between the two countries could lead to a more significant impact of these two actors internationally. This article attempts to describe the main issues of this paper is a descriptive and analytical method.
fereshteh bahramipoor; Mohammad Hamed PourJaafari
Abstract
Today, almost all politicians in the world are on the Internet and posting texts and reports on their accounts. The culmination of these activities can be seen during the Iran-P5 + 1 nuclear talks. The main question here is: What has been the role of social media in the Vienna nuclear negotiations? Semi-structured ...
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Today, almost all politicians in the world are on the Internet and posting texts and reports on their accounts. The culmination of these activities can be seen during the Iran-P5 + 1 nuclear talks. The main question here is: What has been the role of social media in the Vienna nuclear negotiations? Semi-structured interviews were used to collect data. All data were analyzed using qualitative content analysis method. The results of the first sub-question showed that interaction with the public, management of public opinion and the use of English were part of the strength of the Iranian nuclear negotiating team in using social media and, on the other hand, not having Strategy, disorder, and lack of a media consultant can also be included in the list of negotiators' weaknesses in the use of these networks. In another part of the results and in response to the second sub-question, it was revealed that breaking the monopoly of the mainstream media, raising people's social capital towards officials and direct interaction with the people of the world and face-to-face conversation with public opinion are the most important goals. The nuclear negotiating team has been using social media to pursue it, but from the point of view of the interviewees, media coverage, tools of psychological warfare, media streaming, news analytics and complementary information flow are among the most important functions. Social media was at the core of the negotiations
Abdolreza Alishahi; Younes Forouzan; Hossein Masoudnia; Ali Majidinejad
Abstract
From 1991 to today, the issue of Iraqi Kurdistan region independence is one of this region's primary goals. Massoud Barzani held the independence referendum, the head of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, to achieve this goal on 25 September 2017 and pushed Iraq to the brink of the danger of separatism and ...
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From 1991 to today, the issue of Iraqi Kurdistan region independence is one of this region's primary goals. Massoud Barzani held the independence referendum, the head of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, to achieve this goal on 25 September 2017 and pushed Iraq to the brink of the danger of separatism and civil war. The countries of the region, such as the Islamic Republic of Iran, Turkey, and Syria, which have a minority of the Kurds, considered this a potential threat to their national security. This article seeks to answer this question: despite the holding of a referendum on Iraqi Kurdistan's independence, what scenarios can be expected for the future of this region? And what impact will it have on the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? By using the future research method and written and virtual resources, the authors devised three major scenarios on the future of the Kurdistan region. The findings suggest that the political and economic sanctions from countries of the Middle East such as Iran, Turkey, and Iraq, the death of Jalal Talabani, and the internal challenges of the Kurdish parties led to the referendum's suspension. And the future of the Kurdish region of Iraq, according to the variables of the Cantori and Spiegel model, not only does not lead to regional convergence, but a considerable divergence will take place in the Middle East and the threats posed by the level of coherence, the nature of the communications, the structure of the relationship and the level of power, and the interventionist actor to the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Saeed Shokoohi; Asqar Safari
Abstract
Abstract
The 2017 Iraqi Kurdistan’s independence referendum and its results demonstrated that independence and secessionist Kurdish movements in the region would be a persistent political issue in the coming decades. Since their desire to become an independent country in geared in the fundamental ...
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Abstract
The 2017 Iraqi Kurdistan’s independence referendum and its results demonstrated that independence and secessionist Kurdish movements in the region would be a persistent political issue in the coming decades. Since their desire to become an independent country in geared in the fundamental right of Self-Determination, it is quite foreseeable that the countries which have considerable Kurdish minorities within their borders would encounter critical challenges on how to deal with their nationalist and secessionist desires. Iran is one of these countries. But the tendency among Iran’s Kurds to be an independent nation is quite lower than in other countries. The present paper seeks to answer this question: what’s the role of Paradiplomacy in dealing with the Kurds for Iran’s government. The findings of the article demonstrate that by boosting the role of sub-national identities, such as Kurds, and their participation in low-politics, Paradiplomacy can strengthen the social cohesion and social cohesion, in its turn, is one of the main impediments on the way of secessionism. At the same time, Kurds can help the Iranian government to reset its relations with the Kurdish population in the region.
Mohammad-Ali Shirkhani; Rahim Baizidi
Abstract
Abstract
Human capital and the international flow of human capital are among the most important factors influencing economic development. This has led both developing and developed countries to focus on attracting human capital as producers of economic value. An important issue of global concern is ...
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Abstract
Human capital and the international flow of human capital are among the most important factors influencing economic development. This has led both developing and developed countries to focus on attracting human capital as producers of economic value. An important issue of global concern is the effects of human capital outflows on economic development in the countries of origin and the countries of destination. In this research, we used the comparative method to compare Iran and Turkey as the countries dealing with the outflow of human capital, to answer the question of how the outflow of human capital has affected their economic development. In general, there are two main approaches in this regard. The first approach focuses on the negative effects of international flow of human capital and the second approach emphasizes the positive effects of international flow of human capital on the economic development of the countries of origin. Finally, it was concluded that, especially the withdrawal of high skilled human capital would generally have a negative effect on the economic development of the countries of origin.
Mokhtar Salehi; Arash Ghodratifar
Abstract
Abstract
The European Union has faced with many challenges and difficulties to become an efficient Union. Berxit is one of an important issue that has created a major obstacle on evolution of the European Union. However, EU efforts to manage consequences of that. Questionably, how does the Berxit can ...
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Abstract
The European Union has faced with many challenges and difficulties to become an efficient Union. Berxit is one of an important issue that has created a major obstacle on evolution of the European Union. However, EU efforts to manage consequences of that. Questionably, how does the Berxit can impact on EU’s Foreign Policy towards Iran? Hypothetically, the countries which are member of EU, have tried to manage the Berxit Consequences, so they are going to preserve and increase their power as an international agent Because EU countries are concerns about the consequences of Berxit that will impact on the process of EU’s Integration and uncertainty which are created in EU. This Research shows that exist of Britain from the European Union will have Political and Economic impacts on EU Foreign Policy towards other countries such as Iran. Theoretically, this Essay is based on the Integration Theory. An explanatory method is used to explain that.
farhad ghasemi; mohammadreza faraji
Abstract
With the complexity of the international system and its chaos, foreign policy of countries as part of this system no longer follow the linear logic of the past. Therefore, in the field of foreign policy, there is a need for a new analytical system based on the characteristics of such a system. The West ...
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With the complexity of the international system and its chaos, foreign policy of countries as part of this system no longer follow the linear logic of the past. Therefore, in the field of foreign policy, there is a need for a new analytical system based on the characteristics of such a system. The West Asian system is heavily influenced by the complexity of the international system. Considering of this point, the main qiestion of this research is what is the principles and basics of Iran’s foreign polciy strtegy in the west asian regional system considering the complexity which are controlling this network ? The diversity of threats, the diversity of actors, dynamics interference, nonlinear behavior patterns, and the intense cluster of network is the characteristics that Iran faces with them in west Asian network, and according to it, the strategic diversity in west of Asia networking and the strategic system based on triangular _ network deterrence is axis of Iran's foreign policy in West Asia.
barati barati; vahid sinaee; seyed ahmad fatemi nejad
Abstract
Abstract
In recent years, Iran-Turkey relations have experienced different situations from friendship to rivalry and even enmity. The ambivalence has raised various explanations among observers in international relations and foreign policy. This article aims to assess durability of Iran-Turkey relations ...
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Abstract
In recent years, Iran-Turkey relations have experienced different situations from friendship to rivalry and even enmity. The ambivalence has raised various explanations among observers in international relations and foreign policy. This article aims to assess durability of Iran-Turkey relations regardless of their disputes. In other word, the main question here is why Iran and Turkey have not been subject to a long-term tension despite their critical rivalries in recent years. We hypothesize that linkage between securitizing and destabilizing processes affecting both has obliged the two countries to prevent falling into crisis and welcome cooperation. It seems that regional security complex theory could be helpful here. In this regard, six factors including geographical neighborhood, model of friendship and hostility, existence of two influential actors, relative independence, security interdependence, cultural-civilizational relationships, and economic relations are examined in Iran-Turkey relations. Findings show that their avoidance of deepening mutual tensions is due to the same location of the two countries in the security complex.
